[News] Human Rights Watch in Venezuela: Lies, Crimes and Cover-ups
Anti-Imperialist News
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Wed Oct 1 12:07:21 EDT 2008
Published on venezuelanalysis.com
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Human Rights Watch in Venezuela: Lies, Crimes and Cover-ups
Author:
James Petras
Human Rights Watch, a US-based group claiming to
be a non-governmental organization, but which is
in fact funded by government-linked quasi-private
foundations and a Congressional funded political
propaganda organization, the National Endowment
for Democracy, has issued a report "A Decade
Under Chavez: Political Intolerance and Lost
Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in
Venezuela" (9/21/2008 hrw.org). The publication
of the "Report" directed by José Miguel Vivanco
and sub-director Daniel Wilkinson led to their
expulsion from Venezuela for repeated
political-partisan intervention in the internal affairs of the country.
A close reading of the "Report" reveals an
astonishing number of blatant falsifications and
outright fabrications, glaring deletions of
essential facts, deliberate omissions of key
contextual and comparative considerations and
especially a cover-up of systematic long-term,
large-scale security threats to Venezuelan democracy posed by Washington.
We will proceed by providing some key background
facts about HRW and Vivanco in order to highlight
their role and relations to US imperial
power. We will then comment on their methods,
data collection and exposition. We will analyze
each of HRW charges and finally proceed to
evaluate their truth and propaganda value.
Background on Vivanco and HRW
José Miguel Vivanco served as a diplomatic
functionary under the bloody Chilean dictator
Augusto Pinochet between 1986-1989, serving no
less as the butcher's rabid apologist before the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. His
behavior was particularly egregious during the
regime's brutal repression of a mass popular
uprising in the squatter settlements of Santiago
in 1986-1987. With the return of electoral
politics (democracy) in Chile, Vivanco took off
to Washington where he set up his own NGO, the
Center for Justice and International Law,
disguising his right-wing affinities and passing
himself off as a human rights' advocate. In
1994 he was recruited by former US federal
prosecutor, Kenneth Roth, to head up the
Americas Division' of Human Rights Watch. HRW
demonstrated a real capacity to provide a human
rights' gloss to President Clinton's policy of
humanitarian imperialism'. Roth promoted and
supported Clinton's two-month bombing,
destruction and dismemberment of Yugoslavia. HRW
covered up the ethnic cleansing of Serbs in
Kosovo by the notorious Albanian terrorists and
gangsters of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the
unprecedented brutal transfer of over 200,000
ethnic Serbs from the Krajina region of
Croatia. HRW backed Clinton's sanctions against
Iraq leading to the deaths of over 500,000 Iraqi
children. Nowhere did the word genocide' ever
appear in reference to the US Administrations
massive destruction of Iraq causing hundreds of
thousands of premature deaths.
HRW supported the US invasion and occupation of
Afghanistan where Kenneth Roth advised the US
generals on how to secure the colonial occupation
by avoiding massive civilian deaths. In words
and deeds, HRW has played an insidious role as
backer and adviser of US imperial intervention,
providing the humanitarian ideological cover
while issuing harmless and inconsequential
reports criticizing ineffective' excesses, which
undermine' imperial dominance.
HRW most notorious intervention was its claim
that Israel's murderous destruction of the
Palestinian city of Jenin was not genocidal' and
thus provided the key argument for the US and
Israeli blocking of a UN humanitarian mission and
investigative report. As in all of its
research' their report was deeply colored by
selective interviews and observations which
understated the brutality and killings of
Palestinian civilians by the Israeli state - even
while the fanatics who run the major pro-Israel
organizations accused HRW of bias for even
mentioning a single murdered Palestinian.
Method
HRW currently makes a big play of its widespread
interviews of a broad cross section of Venezuelan
political and civic society government and
opposition groups, as well as its consultation of
most available documents. Yet the Report on
Venezuela does not reflect anything of the
sort. There is no careful, straightforward
presentation of the government's elaboration and
justification for its actions, no academic
critiques of the anti-democratic actions of
anti-Chavez mass media; no discussion of the
numerous journalists' accounts which expose
systematic US intervention. The Report simply
records and reproduces uncritically the claims,
arguments and charges of the principle publicists
of the opposition while dismissing out of hand
any documented counter-claims. In other words,
Vivanco and company act as lawyers for the
opposition rather than as serious and objective
investigators pursuing a balanced and convincing
evaluation of the status of democracy in Venezuela.
The political propaganda intent of Vivanco-HRW is
evident in the timing of their investigations'
and the publication of their propaganda
screeds. Each and every previous HRW hostile
report' has been publicized just prior to major
conflicts threatening Venezuelan democratic
institutions. In February 2002, barely two
months before the US backed military coup against
Chavez, HRW joined the chorus of coup planners in
condemning the Chavez regimes for undermining the
separation of powers' and calling for the
intervention of the Organization of American
States. After the coup was defeated through the
actions of millions of Venezuelan citizens and
loyalists military officers, HRW moved quickly to
cover its tracks by denouncing the coup - but
subsequently defended the media moguls, trade
union bureaucrats and business elites who
promoted the coup from prosecution, claiming the
coup promoters were merely exercising their
human rights'. HRW provides a novel meaning to
human rights' when it includes the right to
violently overthrow a democratic government by a military coup d'etat.
Following the military coup in 2002 and the
bosses' lockout of 2003, HRW published a report
condemning efforts to impose constitutional
constraints on the mass media's direct
involvement in promoting violent actions by
opposition groups or terrorists. President
Chavez' "Law for Social Responsibility in Radio
and Television" provided greater constitutional
guarantee for freedom of speech than most Western
European capitalist democracies and was far less
restrictive than the measures approved and
implemented in Bush's US Patriot Act, which HRW
has never challenged, let alone mounted any campaign against.
Just prior to the political referenda in 2004 and
2007, HRW issued further propaganda broadsides
which were almost identical in wording to the
opposition (in fact HRW Reports' were widely
published and circulated by all the leading
opposition mass media). HRW defended the right'
of the US National Endowment for Democracy to
pour millions of dollars to fund opposition
NGO's', such as SUMATE, accusing the Chavez
government of undermining civil society'
organizations. Needless to say, similar activity
in the US by an NGO on behalf of any foreign
government (with the unique exception of Israel)
would require the NGO to register as a foreign
agent under very strict US Federal laws; failure
to do so would lead to federal prosecution and a
jail term of up to 5 years. Apparently, HRW's
self-promoted credibility' as an international
humanitarian' organization protects it from
being invidiously compared to an agent of imperialist propaganda.
HRW: Five Dimensional Propaganda
The HRW Report on Venezuela focuses on five areas
of politics and society to make its case that
democracy in Venezuela is being undermined by the
Presidency of Hugo Chavez: political
discrimination, the courts, the media, organized labor and civil society.
1.Political Discrimination
* The Report charges that the government has
fired and blacklisted political opponents from
some state agencies and from the national oil company.
* Citizen access to social programs is denied
based on their political opinions.
* There is discrimination against media
outlets, labor unions and civil society in
response to legitimate criticism or political activity.
Between December 2002 and 2003, following the
failure of the military coup of the previous
April, the major business organizations, senior
executives of the state oil company and sectors
of the trade union bureaucracy organized a
political lockout shutting down the oil industry,
paralyzing production through sabotage of its
computer-run operations and distribution outlets
in a publicly stated effort to deny government
revenues (80% of which come from oil exports) and
overthrow the democratically elected
government. After 3 months and over $20 billion
dollars in lost revenues and hundreds of millions
of dollars in damage to machinery, with the aid
of the majority of production workers and
technicians, the bosses lockout' was
defeated. Those officials and employees engaged
in the political lockout and destruction of
equipment and computers were fired. The
government followed normal procedures backed by
the majority of oil workers, who opposed the
lockout, and dismissed the executives and their
supporters in order to defend the national
patrimony and social and investment programs from
the self-declared enemies of an elected government.
No sane, competent, constitutional lawyer,
international human rights lawyer, UN
commissioner or the International Court official
considered the action of the Venezuelan
government in this matter to constitute
political discrimination'. Even the US State
Department, at that time, did not object to the
firing of their allies engaged in economic
sabotage. HRW, on the other hand, is more Pope than the Pope.
Nothing captures the ludicrous extremism of the
HRW than its charge that citizens are denied
access to social programs. Every international
organization involved in assessing and developing
large social programs, including UNESCO, the
World Health Organization and the UN Food and
Agricultural Organization, have praised the
extent and quality of the coverage of the social
programs instituted by the Chavez government
covering 60% of the population and almost 100% of
the poor. Since approximately between 20-30% of
the poor still vote for the opposition, it is
clear that needy citizens critical of the
government have equal access to social programs,
including food subsidies, free health care and
education. This social safety net is more
inclusive than ever before in the history of
Venezuela. In fact some of the poor suburbs of
Caracas, like Catia, which voted down the 2007
referendum, are major recipients of large-scale,
long-term social assistance programs.
Only scoundrels or the ill informed could be
convinced of the HRW charge of discrimination
against mass media outlets, labor unions and
civil society groups. The opposition controls
95% of the newspapers, a majority of the
television and radio outlets and frequencies,
with the widest national circulation. The
government has broken' the ruling class monopoly
on information by funding two major TV stations
and a growing number of community based radio stations.
There are more trade union members and greater
trade union participation in enterprises,
internal debates and free elections than ever
before under previous regimes. Rival lists and
intense competition for office between pro and
anti-government lists are common in the trade
unions confederation (UNT). The entire HRW
Report' is based on complaints from the
authoritarian CTV(Confederation of Venezuelan
Workers/Confederacion de Trabajadores de
Venezuela) bureaucrats who have lost most of
their supporters and are discredited because of
their role in supporting the bloody April 2002
coup. They are universally disdained; militant
workers have not forgotten their corruption and
gangster tactics when they collaborated with
previous rightwing regimes and employers.
2. The Courts
HWR claims that President Chavez has "effectively
neutralized the judiciary as an independent
branch of government". The claim that the
judiciary was independent' is a new argument for
HRW - because a decade earlier when Chavez' 1999
constitution was approved by referendum, HRW
decried the venality, corruption and bias of the
entire judicial system'. After years of releasing
the leaders of the 2002 coup, postponing rulings
and undermining positive legislation by elected
legislative bodies and after revelations of high
and lower court bribe taking, the Government
finally implemented a series of democratically
approved reforms, expanding and renewing the
judicial system. The fact that the new court
appointees do not follow the past practices of
the opposition-appointed judges has evoked
hysterical cries by HRW that the new reformed
courts threaten fundamental rights'. The most
bizarre claim by HRM is that the Supreme Court
did not counter' a 2007 constitutional reform
package. In fact the Supreme Court approved the
placing of constitutional reforms to a popular
referendum in which the Chavez government was
narrowly defeated. The Venezuelan Supreme Court
subsequently respected the popular verdict -
unlike US Supreme Court, which overturned the
popular vote in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential
elections, a constitutional crime against the
popular will, which Kenneth Roth, Vivanco and the
rest of HRW have yet to condemn.
3. The Media
Every outside media specialist has been highly
critical of the advocacy of violent action
(leading up to the coup) and gross falsifications
and libelous reports' (including racist epithets
against Hugo Chavez) propagated by the ruling
class-dominated mass media. A single opposition
television network just had one of its many
outlets suspended for openly backing the
opposition military seizure of power, an action
that any Western capitalist democracy would have
taken in the wake of a violent uprising. HRW did
not, has not and will not condemn the arrest of
dozens of US and international journalists, some
brutally beaten, covering the Republican and
Democratic Presidential Conventions. Nothing
even remotely resembling the extraordinary powers
of preventive detention' of journalists by the
US Homeland Security/local and state police
forces exists in Venezuela. The wanton
destruction of journalists' cameras and tape
recorders by the police at the US Republican
Party Convention would be un-imaginable in
Venezuela today. In contrast the only offense
prosecuted in Venezuela against the media is the
act of supporting and advocating violence aimed
at overthrowing democratic institutions. Like
all countries, Venezuela has laws dealing with
libel and slander; these are far weaker than any
comparable statutes in the countries upholding
the tradition of the Magna Carta. HRW blatantly
falsifies reality by claiming state control of
the print media: All one needs to do is peruse
any newsstand in Venezuela to see a multiplicity
of lurid anti-government headlines, or tune into
the radio or television stations and view news
accounts that compete for the worst anti-Chavez
propaganda found in the US Fox News or CNN.
4. Organized Labor
HRW claims that the Venezuelan government has
violated basic principles of freedom of
association' because it requires state oversight
and certification of union elections and that by
denying the right to bargain collectively to
non-certified unions, it undermines workers'
rights to freely join the union of their choosing
and to strike. Practically every government in
the West has rules and regulations regarding
oversight and certification of union elections,
none more onerous than the US starting with the
Taft-Hartley Act of the 1940's and the Right to
Work' Laws current in many states, which have
reduced the percentage of unionized workers in
the private sector to less than 3%. In contrast,
during the Chavez Presidency, the number of
unionized workers has more than doubled, in large
part because new labor legislation and labor
officials have reduced employer prerogatives to
arbitrarily fire unionized workers. The only
union officials who have been decertified' are
those who were involved in the violent coup of
April 2002 and the employers lockout intended to
overthrow the government, suspend the
constitution and undermine the very existence of
free unions. Former Pinochet official Jose
Miguel Vivanco delicately overlooks the
gangsterism, thuggery and fraudulent election
procedures, which ran rampant under the previous
rightwing Venezuelan labor confederation,
CTV. It was precisely to democratize voting
procedures and to break the stranglehold of the
old-guard trade union bosses that the government
monitors oversaw union elections, many of which
had multi-tendency candidates, unfettered debates
and free voting for the first time.
I attended union meetings and interviewed high
level CTV trade unions officials in 1970, 1976
and 1978 and found high levels of open vote
buying, government and employer interference and
co-optation, collaboration with the CIA-funded
American Institute of Free Labor Development and
large-scale pilfering of union pension funds,
none of which was denounced by HRW. I attended
the founding of the new Venezuelan union
confederation, Union Nacional de Trabajadores
(UNT) in 2003 and a subsequent national
congress. I have witness a totally different
unionism, a shift from government-run corporate'
business unionism to independent social movement
unionism with a decidedly class oriented
approach. The UNT is a multi-tendency
confederation in which diverse currents compete,
with varying degrees of support and opposition to
the Chavez Government. There are few impediments
to strikes and there is a high degree of
independent political action with no inhibition
to workers resorting to strikes in order to
demand the ouster of pro-employer labor officials.
For example, this year, steel workers in the
Argentine-owned firm SIDOR, went on strike
several times protesting private sector firings
(HRW, of course never discussed private sector
violations of workers rights). Because the
Venezuelan Labor Minister tended to take the side
of the employers, the steelworkers marched into a
meeting where Chavez was speaking and demanded
the dismissal of his Minister. After conferring
with the workers' leaders, Chavez fired the Labor
Minister, expropriated the steel plant and
accepted workers demands for trade union
co-management. Never in Venezuelan labor history
have workers exercised this degree of labor
influence in nationalized plants. There is no
doubt that there are government officials who
would like to integrate' labor unions closer to
the state; the new unionists do spend too much
time in internal debates and internecine
struggles instead of organizing the informal and
temporary worker sectors. But one fact stands
out: Unionized and non-unionized Venezuelan
workers have experienced greater social welfare
payments, rising living standards, greater job
protection and greater free choice in union
affiliation than any previous period in their
history. It is ironic that Vivanco, who never
raised a word against Pinochet's anti-labor
policies, an uncritical apologist of the AFL-CIO
(the declining and least effective labor
confederation in the industrialized West), should
launch a full-scale attack on the fastest
growing, independent and militant trade union
movement in the Western hemisphere. Needless to
say, Vivanco avoids any comparative analysis,
least of all between Venezuelan and US labor over
the spread of union organizing, internal
democracy and labor representation in industry,
social benefits and influence over government
policy. Nor does HRW refer to the positive
assessment by independent international labor
organizations regarding union and labor advances under the Chavez Presidency.
5. Civil Society and HRW: The Mother of All Perversities
Jose Miguel Vivanco, who kept quiet during his
years as a state functionary serving the Chilean
dictator Pinochet, while thousands of protestors
were beaten, jailed and even tortured and killed
and courageous human rights groups were routinely
assaulted, shamelessly claims that President
Chavez has adopted "an aggressively adversarial
approach to local rights advocates and civil society organization."
President Chavez has actively promoted a
multitude of independent, democratically elected
community councils with over 3 million affiliated
members, mostly from the poorest half of the
population. He has devolved decision-making
power to the councils, bypassing the
party-dominated municipal and state officials,
unlike previous regimes and US AID programs,
which channeled funds through loyal local bosses
and clients. Never has Venezuela witnessed more
intense sustained organization, mobilization and
activity of civil society movements. This cuts
across the political spectrum, from pro-Chavez to
pro-oligarch neighborhood, civic, working class
and upper class groups. Nowhere in the world are
US-funded groups, engaged in overt
extra-parliamentary and even violent
confrontations with elected officials, tolerated
to the degree that they enjoy freedom of action
as in Venezuela. In the US, foreign-funded
organizations (with the exception of
Israeli-funded groups) are required to register
and refrain from engaging in electoral
campaigning, let alone in efforts to destabilize
legitimately constitutional government
agencies. In contrast, Venezuela asked the
minimum of foreign government-funded self-styled
NGOs in requiring them to register their source
of funding and comply with the rules of their
constitution, that is, to stay out of virulent
partisan political action. Today, as yesterday,
all the civil society' organizations, including
these funded by the US, which routinely attack
the Chavez government, can operate freely,
publish, assemble and demonstrate
unimpeded. Their fundamental complaint, echoed
by HRW, is that the Chavez government and its
supporters criticize them: According to the new
HRW definition of civil society freedom,the
opposition has the right to attack the government
- but not the other way around; some countries
can register foreign-funded organizations - but
not Venezuela; and some government can jail
terrorists and coup-makers and identify and
criticize their accomplices - but not
Venezuela. The grotesque double-standard,
practiced by Human Rights Watch, reveals their
political allegiances: Blind to the vices of the
US as it descends into a police state and equally
blind to the virtues of a growing participatory democracy in Venezuela.
The Report' contains egregious omissions. It
fails to mention that Venezuela, under President
Chavez, has experienced twelve internationally
supervised and approved elections, including
several presidential, congressional and municipal
elections, referenda and recall elections. These
have been the cleanest elections in Venezuelan
history and certainly with more honest vote
counting than one would find in the US presidential contests.
The Report' fails to report on the serious
security threats including the recording of phone
conversations of active and retired high military
officials planning to violently seize power and
assassinate President Chavez. Under the
extraordinary degree of tolerance in Venezuela,
not a single constitutional right has been
suspended. In the US, similar terrorist actions
and plans would have led to a state of emergency
and the probable pre-emptive mass incarceration
of thousands of government critics and
activists. HRW ignores and downplays security
threats to Venezuelan democracy - whether it
involves armed incursions from Colombian
paramilitary groups allied with the pro-US
Venezuelan opposition, the assassination of the
chief federal prosecutor Danilo Anderson who was
investigating the role of the opposition in the
bloody coup of April 2002, the US-backed
secessionist movement in the state of Zulia, the
collusion of the mass media with violent student
mobs in assaulting Chavez supporters on campus or
the economic sabotage and panic caused by the
private sector's hoarding of essential food and
other commodities in the lead-up to the 2007 referendum.
One of Vivanco's most glaring omissions is the
contrast between Venezuela's open society
approach to the hundreds of thousands of
undocumented immigrant workers from Colombia and
the US authoritarian practice of criminalizing
its undocumented laborers. While the US Homeland
Security and Immigration police have implemented
arbitrary mass arrests, assaults and deportation
of working heads of immigrant families - leaving
their wives and children vulnerable to
destitution, Chavez has awarded over a million
undocumented Colombian immigrant workers and
family members with residency papers and the opportunity for citizenship.
HRW has yet to protest Washington's brutal denial
of human rights to its Latin American and Asian
immigrant workers in recent months. HRW did not
issue a single protest when US-backed local
oligarch politicians, local government officials
and racist gangs in Bolivia went on a rampage and
slaughtered three dozen unarmed Indian peasant
workers. Vivanco's squalid selective slandering
of Venezuela is only exceeded by his systematic
silence when there are abuses involving US collaboraters!
Conclusion
The Human Rights Watch Report on Venezuela is a
crude propaganda document that, even in its own
terms, lacks the minimum veneer of balance',
which the more sophisticated humanitarian'
imperialists have put out in the past. The
omissions are monumental: No mention of President
Chavez' programs which have reduced poverty over
the past decade from more than 60% to less than
30%; no recognition of the universal health
system which has provided health care to 16
million Venezuelan citizens and residents who
were previously denied even minimal access; and
no acknowledgment of the subsidized state-run
grocery stores which supply the needs of 60% of
the population who can now purchase food at 40% of the private retail price.
HRW's systematic failure to mention the advances
experienced by the majority of Venezuelan
citizens, while peddling outright lies about
civic repression , is characteristic of this
mouthpiece of Empire. Its gross distortion about
labor rights makes this report a model for any
high school or college class on political propaganda.
The widespread coverage and uncritical promotion
and citation of the Report' (and the expulsion
of its US-based authors for gross intervention on
behalf of the opposition) by all the major
newspapers from the New York Times, to Le Monde
in France, the London Times, La Stampa in Italy
and El Pais in Spain gives substance to the
charge that the Report was meant to bolster the
US effort to isolate Venezuela rather than pursue
legitimate humanitarian goals in Venezuela.
The major purpose of the HRW Report' was to
intervene in the forthcoming November municipal
and state elections on the side of the far-right
opposition. The Report' echoes verbatim the
unfounded charges and hysterical claims of the
candidates supported by the far right and the
Bush Administration. HRW always manages to pick
the right time to issue their propaganda
bromides. Their reports mysteriously coincide
with US intervention in electoral processes and
destabilization campaigns. In Venezuela today
the Report has become one of the most widely
promoted propaganda documents of the leading
rightist anti-Chavez candidates.
For the partisans of democracy, human rights and
self-determination, every effort should be made
to expose the insidious role of HRW and its
Pinochetista propagandist, Vivanco, for what they
are - publicists and promoters of US-backed
clients who have given human rights' a dirty name.
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