[News] El Salvador 2009
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Sat May 10 12:35:19 EDT 2008
Weekend Edition
May 10 / 11, 2008
http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff05102008.html
Yet Another Feather in the Cap of Hugo Chavez?
El Salvador 2009
By NIKOLAS KOZLOFF
An image flashes across the screen of pretty
young women. Theyre dressed in red T-shirts,
wave a red flag, and run towards the camera. A
voice intones, Let us all participate in the
great party of hope! Change is coming! The
image then shifts to a dapper young man with
glasses who is thronged by enthusiastic crowds.
Meet Mauricio Funes, bane of the U.S. foreign
policy establishment and the likely next
President of El Salvador as of March,
2009. Funes party, the FMLN (or Farabundo Martí
National Liberation Front), is running television
ads such as these in an effort to appeal to the
young generation and roll back the political
right which has dominated the countrys politics for decades.
Funes is a former commentator for CNN
International and for years had a popular daily
show called The Interview with Mauricio Funes
which wasbroadcast on national television. Well
known amongst his compatriots, he is arguably El
Salvadors most respected journalist. A frequent
critic of government abuses, Funes quickly
developed a reputation as a political crusader.
As the so-called Pink Tide sweeps through South
America 2009 is fast sizing up as a momentous
political year for El Salvador, a Massachusetts
sized nation of some six 6 million people. Like
Barack Obama, Funes is poised, youthful and
inspiring. He even has a similar campaign
slogan: Cambio or Change. Like the
presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party,
Funes is already drawing large crowds. He is
currently leading in public opinion surveys
against his main political rivals.
The U.S. left doesnt know much about Funes, but
thats hardly surprising given the political
trends of the past fifteen years. During the
1980s, in the midst of the countrys civil war,
the FMLN was a cause célèbre for the U.S.
left. But once the U.S.-backed
counter-<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0230600573/counterpunchmaga>
[]
insurgency war ended and FMLN guerrillas
demobilized and formed their own political party,
radicals focused their attention elsewhere. El
Salvador dropped off the media horizon.
The small Central American nation is about to
leap back into the headlines, however.
A victory for the FMLN would further embolden
Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and continue Central
Americas drift towards the center left, already
underway with the return of Daniel Ortega of the
Sandinista Party in Nicaragua and the election of
Álvaro Colom Caballeros in Guatemala. If a solid
pro-Chávez column of smaller nations emerges in
the region this could prove to be a difficult pill for Washington to swallow.
ARENA: The Reds Will Die
When you consider just how entrenched the right
wing has become in El Salvador, Funes political
rise is even more remarkable.
Ever since 1992, the year El Salvadors horrific
civil war ended, ARENA (or Nationalist Republican
Alliance) has reigned supreme in election after
election. The party was founded by right wing
death squad leader Roberto DAubuisson, held to
be one of the intellectual authors behind the
assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero in
1980. Many see ARENA, whose party colors are
red, white and blue, as modeled on the U.S.
Republican party but with even stronger nationalist overtones.
The hymn of the party touts El Salvador as the tomb where the Reds will die.
By the early 1990s, with the international left
now ignoring the political story in El Salvador,
ARENA consolidated its control through the ballot box.
Remaking the Party
Fearing relatiation from Washington, Funes has
bent over backwards to placate the U.S. He has,
for example, met with State Department officials
as well as members of Congress and reassured them that he is no radical.
Meanwhile, Funes has declared that El Salvador
should not scrap use of the dollar by returning
to its previous currency, the colón. Funes says
that "dollarization" and the adoption of the
Central American Free Trade Agreement in 2006
have had negative effects, such as inflation and
unfavorable competition for small-scale farmers,
but that it is too late to scrap these policies.
The former media commentator seeks to remake the
FMLN into a pragmatic political party. At
rallies, he doesn't sing the party's anthem or
wear the traditional red colours, preferring to
campaign in a crisp white guayabera shirt. Its
a symbolic move designed to contrast himself with
many in the party who still wear fatigues and
brandish pictures of Che Guevara and Soviet flags at campaign rallies.
ARENA President Antonio Saca, whose term ends
next year, has questioned the FMLN's supposed
moderation. "If it flies like a duck, swims like
a duck and eats like a duck, it's a duck. The
FMLN is a communist party. Its ideas haven't changed," he has remarked.
Demonizing Funes by Linking Him to Chávez
Despite such dismissive rhetoric, ARENA is
fearful that Funes may not go down to electoral
defeat like his FMLN predecessors. Facing a
possible debacle in March, the Salvadoran right
and Washington have gone into overdrive, trying
to tarnish Funes by linking him to Hugo Chávez of
Venezuela. ARENA in fact has accused Funes of being a little Chávez.
Earlier this year, U.S. Director of National
Intelligence Michael McConnell warned Congress
that he expected Chávez to provide "generous
campaign funding" to Funes. Similar U.S.
national security reports, later exposed as false
and comprised of politically-manipulated
intelligence, were used by the Bush White House
to justify its preemptive war against Iraq in 2003.
Nevertheless, ARENA President Antonio Saca
pounced on the report, remarking that this act of
interference would be unacceptable. He even
ordered an investigation into the matter and, in
another high profile move, recalled El Salvador's
diplomatic envoy from Caracas.
On the other hand, Saca apparently views
electoral intervention by the United States
government as not only acceptable, but welcomed.
In a November 2007 press conference with
President Bush, Saca stated that the U.S. "can
help out a lot in preventing citizen support for
certain proposals in the upcoming elections."
Funes has denied any links to the Venezuelan
government, and Chávez has scoffed at McConnells
accusations. The Venezuelan leader said the FMLN
needed no extra financial support as it was a
"solid" and "well-organized" party with popular
backing. Chávez described the gringo
allegations as just another U.S. attempt to
discredit him and cause divisions in the
region. "It's a lie, Chávez said. We dont
need to do that, and they dont need it.
History Repeating Itself
Its not the first time that Bush and the
Salvadoran right have played the Chávez card.
During the 2004 presidential election in El
Salvador, the Bush administration was nervous the
left might win as Schafik Handal, the FMLN
candidate, opposed the Central American Free
Trade Agreement (CAFTA) and was threatening to
withdraw El Salvador's troops from Iraq. As
payback for U.S. support for the
counter-insurgency war of the 1980s, ARENA sent
381 soldiers to Iraq in the early stages of the
war. Salvadoran troops generally refrained from
front-line fighting and were instead delegated to
humanitarian and reconstruction efforts.
In March, 2003 Special White House Assistant Otto
Reich, an implacable Chávez foe who met with
Dictator-For-a-Day Pedro Carmona in the run-up to
the 2002 coup in Venezuela, declared that the
United States would reevaluate its relationship
with "an El Salvador led by a person who is an
admirer of Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez." The
red-baiting tactics instilled fear in the
Salvadoran electorate, which no doubt worried
about a return to combative relations with the
United States. Handal went down to crushing
defeat, winning just 38% of the vote to ARENA candidate Sacas 58%.
Entrenched Trade Relationship
With a more charismatic, media-savvy candidate at
the helm, 2009 could be different for the
FMLN. But if Funes were to actually win, what
might be the future of Salvadoran-U.S. relations?
The FMLN leader would find it difficult, if not
impossible, to take an antagonistic position
towards the United States. The young politician
would enter office with El Salvadors trade
relations with the United States already well
established: in 2006 the two countries signed a
free trade agreement providing El Salvador with
preferential access to U.S. markets.
El Salvador exports everything from textiles to
apparel to shoes and processed foods to the
United States, and Funes certainly wouldnt want
to jeopardize such a vital trade relationship.
Indeed, right now the U.S. is El Salvadors most
important market, purchasing 57.1% of the Central
American nations goods. El Salvador in turn
receives more than 40% of its imports from the U.S.
The Iraq-El Salvador Connection
Nevertheless, Funes may take some punitive
measures against Washington. He has stated for
example that one of his first decisions as
President would be to withdraw Salvadoran troops
from Iraq. ARENA is now paying a high political
price for its loyalty to Washington: polls have
shown that a majority of the Salvadoran people
oppose their countrys troop presence in the Middle East.
While other Central American countries such as
Nicaragua and Honduras have long since withdrawn
their forces, El Salvador is holding firm and is
currently the only Latin American country with
forces still deployed in Iraq. ARENAs position
is that Salvadoran forces will continue their
service in Iraq until they finish what [they have] started.
Were the Salvadoran troops to leave, such a
development would prove insignificant from a
military point of view. However, Funes would
succeed in making a symbolic and political point:
that El Salvador is no longer Washingtons lackey in Central America.
Chávez and FMLN: Furthering Ties through Oil
In another worrying development for Washington,
Funes has said that he would seek friendly ties
to Venezuela. For the two Latin American
nations, oil might prove to be highly
instrumental in solidifying ties. Recently,
Chávez has undertaken an alliance with Sandinista
leader Daniel Ortega by agreeing to supply the
Central American nation with discounted oil. El
Salvador is not an oil producer and a Funes
administration would no doubt welcome any
Venezuelan assistance to meet its energy needs.
Indeed, the FMLN has been steadily building up
its relationship with the Chávez government over
the last several years. At the local level FMLN
mayors set up ENEPASA, a joint venture energy
company which signed an energy deal with
Venezuela in 2006. The initiative is designed
to provide less expensive fuel to El Salvadors drivers.
Clearly there was more to the deal than just providing cheap gas.
The FMLN seeks to rebuff ARENA President Saca
and his neo-liberal economic approach by laying
the groundwork for closer integration through
ALBA, the Bolivarian Alternative to the
Americas. The plan, initiated by Chávez several
years ago, seeks to counteract the corporately
driven U.S. Free Trade Area of the Americas and
promote barter trade and solidarity amongst left
wing Latin American countries.
When FMLN mayors signed the agreement in Caracas,
Chávez suggested that money the Salvadoran
municipalities saved on energy could be used to
subsidize public transport and food prices. Under
the terms of the agreement, cities pay 60% of
their fuel bill within 90 days. The rest may be
paid in barter for agricultural and other locally
made products or in cash over a 25-year period.
Chávez used the moment to criticize U.S. trade
deals like the Central America Free Trade
Agreement (CAFTA). "They're making deals with
the devil, the devil himself," Chávez said, in
one of his typical rhetorical flourishes.
Over the past two years, Venezuela has exported
thousands of barrels of diesel to El Salvador
under the new deal. The oil is sold by gas
stations bearing a special non-corporate, white flag emblem.
The Legacy of Neo-Liberalism: Organized Crime and Maquiladoras
There is little doubt that under a Funes
administration, much of the energy integration
with Venezuela would continue. But how likely is
a Pink Tide sweep in Central America in the first
place and a decisive FMLN win in 2009?
Judging from recent political trends, ARENAs
political monopoly is jeopardized. The
Salvadoran people are tired of the rights
relentless charge towards neo-liberal policies
including privatization and shredding of labor
protections for public sector workers. In
particular, ARENAs recent attempt to privatize
the health care system proved deeply unpopular
and was beaten back by the likes of doctors and nurses supported by the FMLN.
Poverty is soaring and organized crime has
reached epidemic proportions in the country. In
response, the police and military have allegedly
organized vigilante groups that orchestrate
social cleansing of criminals. In a move to
further emulate the Republican Party in the U.S.,
ARENA instituted draconian anti-terror
legislation based on the USA Patriot Act in
2006. ARENA uses the anti-terror legislation to
pick up and jail political activists who protest
unpopular government moves such as the privatization of water resources.
The agricultural sector meanwhile has been
flooded by cheap goods from the U.S. and hasnt
been able to compete; in desperation cooperative
farmers have been selling off the land and
sending their children to the U.S. to look for
work. Remittances from Salvadorans working in
the United States are an important source of
income for many families and total almost $4
billion a year. According to the United Nations
Development Agency, an estimated 22.3% of families receive such remittances.
For those who dont receive money from their
loved ones abroad in the U.S., one of the few
options left is to seek work in the maquiladora
sweat shops. These dismal sewing factories
employ hundreds of thousands of workers and pay
laborers a scant 80 cents an hour. Employees
have been exposed to horrible conditions such as
unhealthy air and water, large amounts of forced
overtime and frequent dismissals for those who
get the wrong idea and support labor unions.
The Road to 2009
Because of ARENAs pursuit of such unpopular
policies, the stage seems set for a big left win in March.
What might we expect from a Funes
administration? Though Funes has distanced
himself somewhat from the party rank and file,
there is a great ideological affinity between
Venezuela and the FMLN. Funes would probably
seek to put a break on the neo-liberal policies
of the past, and has said that he supports the
notion of government-funded social programs like
those backed by Chávez and his allies.
"Up until now, I haven't been the hunter being
hunted," political novice Funes has said. "But if
I myself say that public figures need to be
scrutinized, how can I reject that same scrutiny?"
Expect more than mere scrutiny in the following months.
Having fought for twelve long years to defeat the
FMLN militarily, Washington is not about to give
up now. Count on ARENA and its U.S. patrons in
the White House to launch an all out red-baiting
assault to prevent the FMLN from coming to power
through the ballot box and thereby halting the
further spread of the Pink Tide which is sweeping through Central America.
Nikolas Kozloff is the author of
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1403984093/counterpunchmaga>Hugo
Chávez: Oil, Politics, and the Challenge to the
U.S. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), and
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0230600573/counterpunchmaga>Revolution!
South America and the Rise of the New Left (Palgrave Macmillan, April 2008).
Freedom Archives
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San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
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