[News] Letters Give CIA Tactics a Legal Rationale
Anti-Imperialist News
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Mon Apr 28 11:01:05 EDT 2008
April 27, 2008
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/27/washington/27intel.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1209395374-LPts7dltKNJBOaBNh0m/kA
Letters Give C.I.A. Tactics a Legal Rationale
By
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/mark_mazzetti/index.html?inline=nyt-per>MARK
MAZZETTI
WASHINGTON The Justice Department has told
Congress that American intelligence operatives
attempting to thwart terrorist attacks can
legally use interrogation methods that might
otherwise be prohibited under international law.
The legal interpretation, outlined in recent
letters, sheds new light on the still-secret
rules for interrogations by the
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/c/central_intelligence_agency/index.html?inline=nyt-org>Central
Intelligence Agency. It shows that the
administration is arguing that the boundaries for
interrogations should be subject to some
latitude, even under an executive order issued
last summer that President Bush said meant that
the C.I.A. would comply with international
strictures against harsh treatment of detainees.
While the Geneva Conventions prohibit outrages
upon personal dignity, a letter sent by the
Justice Department to Congress on March 5 makes
clear that the administration has not drawn a
precise line in deciding which interrogation
methods would violate that standard, and is
reserving the right to make case-by-case judgments.
The fact that an act is undertaken to prevent a
threatened terrorist attack, rather than for the
purpose of humiliation or abuse, would be
relevant to a reasonable observer in measuring
the outrageousness of the act, said Brian A.
Benczkowski, a deputy assistant attorney general,
in the letter, which had not previously been made public.
Mr. Bush issued the executive order last summer
to comply with restrictions imposed by the
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/supreme_court/index.html?inline=nyt-org>Supreme
Court and Congress. The order spelled out new
standards for interrogation techniques, requiring
that they comply with international standards for
humane treatment, but it did not identify any approved techniques.
It has been clear that the order preserved at
least some of the latitude that Mr. Bush has
permitted the C.I.A. in using harsher
interrogation techniques than those permitted by
the military or other agencies. But the new
documents provide more details about how the
administration intends to determine whether a
specific technique would be legal, depending on the circumstances involved.
The letters from the Justice Department to
Congress were provided by the staff of Senator
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/w/ron_wyden/index.html?inline=nyt-per>Ron
Wyden, an Oregon Democrat who is a member of the
Intelligence Committee and had sought more information from the department.
Some legal experts critical of the Justice
Department interpretation said the department
seemed to be arguing that the prospect of
thwarting a terror attack could be used to
justify interrogation methods that would otherwise be illegal.
What they are saying is that if my intent is to
defend the United States rather than to humiliate
you, than I have not committed an offense, said
Scott L. Silliman, who teaches national security
law at
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/d/duke_university/index.html?inline=nyt-org>Duke
University.
But a senior Justice Department official strongly
challenged this interpretation on Friday, saying
that the purpose of the interrogation would be
just one among many factors weighed in
determining whether a specific procedure could be used.
I certainly dont want to suggest that if
theres a good purpose you can head off and
humiliate and degrade someone, said the
official, speaking on the condition of anonymity
because he was describing some legal judgments that remain classified.
The fact that you are doing something for a
legitimate security purpose would be relevant,
but there are things that a reasonable observer
would deem to be outrageous, he said.
At the same time, the official said, there are
certainly things that can be insulting that would
not raise to the level of an outrage on personal dignity.
The humiliating and degrading treatment of
prisoners is prohibited by Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions.
Determining the legal boundaries for
interrogating terrorism suspects has been a
struggle for the Bush administration. Some of
those captured in the first two years after the
Sept. 11, 2001, attacks were subjected to
particularly severe methods, including
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/t/torture/waterboarding/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier>waterboarding,
which induces a feeling of drowning.
But the rules for interrogations became more
restrictive beginning in 2004, when the Justice
Department rescinded a number of classified legal
opinions, including a memorandum written in
August 2002 that argued that nothing short of the
pain associated with organ failure constituted
illegal torture. The executive order that Mr.
Bush issued in July 2007 was a further
restriction, in response to a Supreme Court
ruling in 2006 that holding that all prisoners in
American captivity must be treated in accordance with Common Article 3.
Mr. Benczkowskis letters were in response to
questions from Mr. Wyden, whose committee had
received classified briefings about the executive order.
That order specifies some conduct that it says
would be prohibited in any interrogation,
including forcing an individual to perform sexual
acts, or threatening an individual with sexual
mutilation. But it does not say which techniques could still be permitted.
Legislation that was approved this year by the
House and the Senate would have imposed further
on C.I.A. interrogations, by requiring that they
conform to rules spelled out in the Army handbook
for military interrogations that bans coercive
procedures. But Mr. Bush vetoed that bill, saying
that the use of harsh interrogation methods had
been effective in preventing terrorist attacks.
The legal reasoning included in the latest
Justice Department letters is less expansive than
what department lawyers offered as recently as
2005 in defending the use of aggressive
techniques. But they show that the Bush
administration lawyers are citing the sometimes
vague language of the Geneva Conventions to
support the idea that interrogators should not be bound by ironclad rules.
In one letter written Sept. 27, 2007, Mr.
Benczkowski argued that to rise to the level of
an outrage and thus be prohibited under the
Geneva Conventions, conduct must be so
deplorable that the reasonable observer would
recognize it as something that should be universally condemned.
Mr. Wyden said he was concerned that, under the
new rules, the Bush administration had put Geneva
Convention restrictions on a sliding scale.
If the United States used subjective standards in
applying its interrogation rules, he said, then
potential enemies might adopt different standards
of treatment for American detainees based on an
officers rank or other factors.
The cumulative effect in my interpretation is to
put American troops at risk, Mr. Wyden said.
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