[News] ICE's Julie Myers is latest actor in Great American Minstrel Show

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Nov 14 16:47:28 EST 2007

ICE's Julie Myers is latest actor in Great American Minstrel Show


Posted on Sat Nov 10th, 2007 at 06:32:51 PM EST

Julie Myers, who heads Immigration and Customs 
Enforcement (ICE), unmasked her true character 
recently at a Halloween party she hosted on behalf of a charity.

The event was meant to raise money for the 
Combined Federal Campaign, which is a federal 
government charity effort similar to the United 
Way campaign. But Myers must have deemed it an 
appropriate event to also raise awareness of her 
affinity for the bygone era of Minstrel shows.

Myers, the leader of a federal law enforcement 
agency that has some 15,000 employees, was part 
of a three-member panel at the Halloween event 
that was assigned the holiday task of doling out 
awards for the best costumes. Some 50 to 75 
people were at the Halloween gala, according to 
press reports, so the competition was fierce.

But apparently, in Myer’s mind, one of the 
winners was a clear-cut choice. That individual 
played off the law enforcement theme of the 
gathering by donning a striped prison outfit as a 
costume. His originality was only outdone by his 
creativity. In a clever allusion to the century’s 
old history of slavery and its more recent Jim 
Crow cousin, the ICE employee also sported a dreadlock wig and blackface.

Myer’s was so overwhelmed with the sheer 
brilliance of this individual’s attire that she 
and two other individuals on the judging panel 
selected this white employee’s Halloween getup 
for the most original costume award. Caught up in 
the excitement of the moment, Myers also sought 
to memorialize the moment by posing for a photo 
shoot with the blackfaced reveler.

But there’s always some party bore who wants to 
spoil the moment. As a result, when word of this 
individual’s honor spread, some ICE employees 
complained because they found his costume to be 
“offensive.” Who could have guessed?

But Myers and ICE, which is part of the 
Department of Homeland Security (DHS), reacted 
quickly, destroying all of the photos (or 
evidence) of the winning entry and quickly issued 
an apology to all the usual groups, including the 
Association of African-Americans in the 
Department of Homeland Security, and to House 
Homeland Security Committee Chairman Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss.

Myers’ apology did include a caveat, however, 
which was communicated to the press through an 
ICE flak who claimed that technically the ICE 
employee was not wearing blackface, but rather 
only a “skin bronzer.” The ICE spin manager also 
claimed that Myers did not realize the 
costume-award winner was gobbed up in make-up 
until after the event, when some ICE employees complained.

Following the ICE Minstrel show, there were the 
usual politically motivated protests from a few 
Democrats, such as U.S. Sen. Claire McCaskill, 
D-Mo., who threatened to derail Myers’ 
still-pending nomination to the post of assistant secretary overseeing ICE.

Myers has served as the de facto head of ICE 
since January 2006, when President Bush did an 
end-around Congress and put her in the job 
through a recess appointment. Congress, at the 
time, had threatened to reject her nomination 
because of her lack of experience and concerns 
over charges that she was little more than a Bush 
administration crony. Prior to overseeing ICE, 
Myers served for a short time as DHS Secretary 
Michael Chertoff’s chief of staff, and is married 
to his current chief of staff ­ and happens to be 
the niece of Air Force General and former Chair 
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers.

Given Myers’ connections to the insider Beltway 
elite, we can expect Sen. McCaskill’s protest 
will likely go the way of other Democratic 
blustering to date. After all, Democrats in the 
Senate initially protested but the Senate still 
recently approved the nomination of a new 
attorney general, Michael Mukasey, who would not 
rule out allowing the use of innovative torture 
tactics against brown terrorist suspects. Why 
would the Congress behave any differently when it 
comes to a less-pressing matter like an ICE party 
featuring an “original” Minstrel costume?

And DHS Secretary Chertoff seems to be satisfied 
with Myers apology. After all, he brought Myers 
up the ranks and worked in concert with his 
social circle to fulfill her nepotistic destiny, 
so he knows she comes from good stock.

The Big Picture

So, it seems, the only person to suffer the crush 
of the political fallout from creating a 
red-faced moment for Myers and the Bush 
Administration in this case is the Minstrel man 
himself. That low-level ICE employee has been 
placed on administrative leave pending a further investigation of his costume.

That double standard has some employees within 
DHS crying foul, including Samuel St. John, who 
works with Customs and Border Protection (CBP), a sister agency to ICE.

“The individual who wore the costume is with 
(DHS’s Office] of Detention and Removal and he 
has been put on administrative leave,” St. John 
says. “But when it’s one of their own [top brass 
like Myers], they sweep it under the rug and go 
after the working person to try and make an 
example out of them. 
 It’s a pattern.”

And St. John talks with some authority on the subject.

St. John decided to tangle with the top brass at 
Customs (Customs was folded into ICE in 2003 as 
part of the creation of DHS) in the mid-1990s 
when he filed an Equal Employment Opportunity 
(EEO) discrimination complaint over what he describes as a racist incident.

St. John’s EEO battle with Customs, which lasted 
some seven years, had its genesis at a 1994 staff 
party held at Customs headquarters in Washington, 
D.C. St. John alleges that Charles Winwood went 
out of his way to belittle Hispanics by attending 
the luncheon event dressed in the stereotypical 
sombrero and serape of a Mexican peon.


At the time, Winwood was a senior executive with 
Customs, then part of the Treasury Department.

Winwood’s rising-star status within Customs, 
however, did not dissuade St. John from speaking 
out against him in what St. John deemed a matter 
of honor. In a May 1998 letter written to 
then-Secretary of the Treasury Robert Rubin, (the 
parent agency of Customs at the time) St. John states:

“I have enclosed photographs of one of your 
senior executives, Mr. Charles Winwood, assistant 
commissioner, Office of Strategic Trade, in which 
Mr. Winwood demonstrates the agency’s attitude 
toward Hispanics, in this case Mexican-Americans. 
Mr. Winwood decided to wear a sombrero and serape 
in order, in his words, ‘to look like a Mexican’ 
for a TexMex luncheon sponsored by his office. 
... I am of Hispanic descent, and I am very proud 
of my heritage. When I see such displays of 
blatant insensitivity, especially from a senior 
executive, it is impossible to ignore or just 
pass it off as an isolated incident. I have filed 
a formal complaint on this matter

St. John says that as a result of speaking out 
against Winwood, he has been denied promotions 
while Winwood weathered the event unscathed and 
continued to rise through the ranks of Customs, 
taking over the agency’s top spot in January 2001 
with the retirement of Commissioner Raymond Kelly 
­ who is now the Commissioner of the New York City Police Department.

St. John says he contacted members of Congress, 
including members of the Congressional Hispanic 
Caucus, concerning Winwood’s behavior at the 
time, but they did nothing. “I got no response,” St. John says.

The Roundup

The leadership of Customs, and its successor 
agency ICE, has a long history of tolerating and 
even rewarding racism within its ranks. History 
offers evidence for that claim.

Customs was among the three federal 
law-enforcement agencies that were the subject of 
congressional hearings in the 1990s in connection 
with an event called the `Good O’ Boy Roundup,’ 
and all had agents attending or organizing the event.

The Good O’ Boy Roundup was an annual party held 
in the backwoods of Tennessee that was marked by 
blatant racist activity. The other two agencies 
involved in the 1995 congressional hearings were 
the U.S. Secret Service and the Bureau of 
Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) -- both also 
part of the Treasury Department at the time.

“On July 11, 1995, a newspaper article appeared 
on the front page of the Washington Times 
entitled, Racist ways die hard at Lawmen’s 
retreat -- Annual ‘Good O’ Boy Roundup’ cited as 
evidence of ‘Klan Attitude’ at BATF,” states a 
March 2002 court filing by the law firm of 
Shaffer, Rapaport & Schmidt, which at the time 
represented African American BATF agents as well 
as Hispanic Customs agents in class-action 
discrimination lawsuits filed against their agencies.

“... The article detailed allegations of racist 
misconduct by personnel of the BATF and other 
federal law enforcement agencies [including 
Customs] at an annual retreat outside Ocoee, Tenn.”

The court pleadings continue as follows:

“... The tape (of the event) was shocking. It 
showed a ‘Nigger check point’ sign at which, 
ostensibly, cars were checked to determine 
whether blacks were trying to attend the Roundup. 
Another sign asked, ‘Any niggers in that car?’ 
There were also Confederate flags posted at the event.

“In his testimony (before the Senate Judiciary 
Committee in July 1995) BATF Director John Magaw 

 acknowledged that racist activity had taken 
place at the Roundup every year it occurred since 
1985. Director Magaw described to the committee 
some of the activities at the Roundup, including 
a skit that was put on in which a person dressed 
as a Ku Klux Klansman simulated performing sodomy 
on a person with a blackened face.”

In the wake of the Congressional hearings in the 
mid-1990s prompted by the "Roundup," little 
appears to have changed with respect to the 
racist atmosphere of federal law enforcement 
agencies. Myers’ recent display of bigotry is 
just one more example of that reality.

The case of Customer supervisor Ricardo Sandoval is yet another illustration.

Sandoval, who served as the resident agent in 
charge of the Customs Office of Investigations in 
El Centro, Calif., in July 2000 won a U.S. Court 
of Appeals case in which Customs was challenging 
a 1998 lower court’s finding that he had been the 
victim of discrimination and retaliation. In that 
lower-court case, Sandoval raised allegations 
that a neo-Nazi ring was operating inside the 
Customs Service in the San Diego area. The case 
stemmed from an incident in 1992 in which 
Sandoval’s first-line supervisor in the Office of 
Internal Affairs in Calexico, Calif., ordered him 
to investigate a complaint that involved a white 
supervisor assaulting a black officer.

Legal documents filed in federal court in 
Washington, D.C., in May 2002 in a related 
class-action discrimination lawsuit against 
Customs describe the rock-throwing incident as follows:

Several white Customs managers had thrown rocks 
at Ken Lakes and it appeared to be racially 
motivated. One of the perpetrators wore a Nazi 
Swastika ring. Evidence was developed showing 
that these Customs managers collected Nazi 
memorabilia and they had scrawled swastikas on 
lockers and elevators in Customs buildings.

Sandoval came to believe that a neo-Nazi group 
was behind the incident. He reported it to his 
superiors and recommended that it be referred to 
the United States Attorney’s Office for 
prosecution as a “hate crime” under the civil 
rights statutes. His request was denied and he 
was told that Customs would send out a memo 
saying inspectors should not throw rocks at black employees.

Sandoval ignored his superiors and reported the 
results of his investigation to the United States 
Attorney’s Office, where the case was referred to 
the Justice Department’s hate crimes unit in Washington, D.C.

Thereafter, Agent Sandoval’s upgrade to GS-14 
(rank) was denied and he was not selected for the 
Internal Affairs/Office of Enforcement rotation. 
He did not receive temporary acting supervisory 
assignments. Based on the foregoing, Agent 
Sandoval filed an EEO complaint alleging discrimination and retaliation.

In 1998, a California federal jury awarded 
Sandoval $200,000 for discrimination and 
retaliation. Several jurors said they believed 
that corruption and discrimination may be 
systemic within the Customs Internal Affairs unit 
where Sandoval worked in 1992.

And then there’s the case of the “Racist Manifesto.”

In the late 1990s, an anonymous letter was sent 
to Customs headquarters by a Customs agent in El 
Paso, Texas. The letter was addressed to Raymond 
Kelly and sent to headquarters in the spring of 
1998, about three months before Kelly was sworn 
in as Commissioner of Customs. On September 29, 
1998 ­ nearly two months after Kelly took over 
the helm at the agency ­ an Internal Affairs unit 
from Customs headquarters was dispatched to the 
El Paso office to investigate the allegations made in the letter.

Copies of the anonymous letter and the subsequent 
Customs investigative report were obtained from 
the League of United Latin American Citizens 
(LULAC). In addition, related legal documents 
were obtained in which the anonymous letter 
writer is identified as Special Agent Sean Mulkearns.

In the correspondence, Mulkearns makes a series 
of unsubstantiated charges concerning a group of 
Hispanic Customs agents working in the El Paso 
Customs Office of Internal Affairs. Mulkearns is 
Caucasian, and the individuals referred to in the 
missive as “Mexican Mafia” are Hispanic Customs agents.

Among the accusations made in the letter are the following:

“There are a number of agents/supervisors which 
have banded together into what the 
 office calls 
the ‘Mexican Mafia.’ These agents have gravitated 
to the Office of Internal Affairs. They have and 
are pursuing what can only be called ‘vendettas’ 
against a number of agents. ... Many of these 
vendettas started years ago but these Mafia agents never forget.”

Later in the letter:

“All of these ringleaders/agents [the Mexican 
Mafia] have started their careers, either as 
patrol officers, inspectors, or El Paso police, 
in the El Paso office’s jurisdiction. They have 
significant ties and dealings with smugglers. 
Some rumors state that some smugglers are in 
their close family relations, but that 
information is closely guarded. They have 
positioned themselves to know when one of their 
‘OWN’ relatives or close friends is being 
investigated and to snuff out any competition. 
... They [the Mexican Mafia] have gravitated to 
and infiltrated the Office of Internal Affairs 
[in Customs’ El Paso office) in a slow and progressive manner.”

Later in the letter:

“I believe if these rogue agents [the Mexican 
Mafia] are allowed to solidify into a ‘Hit Team’ 
in IA [Internal Affairs], it will eventually lead 
to physical violence and possibly someone being shot.”

Mulkearns at one point refers to the Hispanic 
agents as a “band of low lifes” and says they 
should be forced to submit to polygraph tests. 
“If they refuse to submit, then they should be 
transferred­with no hope of returning to the El 
Paso area,” Mulkearns’ letter states.

“I have always believed that nothing sanitizes 
better than shining the light of day onto it,” the letter concludes.
It is signed (spelling as it appears in the 
letter): “Sempre Fi, a Good/Honest Customs Agent.”

In response to the letter, and under the watch of 
Commissioner Kelly, an Internal Affairs unit was 
flown to El Paso to investigate the charges in Mulkearn’s letter.

The findings of the investigative unit, called a 
“Flying Squad,” according to the their report, were as follows:

• The agent who wrote the letter admitted under 
oath that he “wrote the letter because he/she did 
not get selected for an agent position” in 
Internal Affairs [IA] at the El Paso office. 
“During [Mulkearns’] debriefing on Oct. 8, [he] 
stated that [he] was ‘pissed off’ at the time 
[he] wrote the letter primarily because [he] 
applied for a position with IA El Paso and was not selected.”?
• Mulkearns admitted under oath that he 
“embellished some of the information/allegations 
contained in the anonymous letter.”
• Mulkearns admitted under oath that he “included 
false information in the anonymous letter.”
• Mulkearns admitted under oath that “the 
anonymous letter contained 
information/allegations that were hearsay, 
speculation and the perception of certain 
individuals who do not like some of the [Hispanic agents].

“The Headquarters Internal Affairs/Flying Squad 
[investigation] did not reveal any evidence of 
misconduct by Office of Internal Affairs/El Paso 
personnel as described in the anonymous letter 
[and] could not corroborate any of the 
allegations delineated in the anonymous letter,” 
the investigative report states.

Despite this fact, and an admission in the 
investigative team’s report that it was 
“identified early in the investigation” that 
“many of the allegations were identified as 
rumor, speculation or unfounded,” the 
investigation proceeded “in an effort to 
determine if there was a perception that Internal 
Affairs/El Paso agents were targeting Office of 
Investigations/El Paso personnel.”

“Although the [Hispanic agents] voiced their 
disgust with the allegations and their resentment 
for the label ‘MEXICAN MAFIA,’ the agents 
conducted themselves in a courteous and 
professional manner throughout the 
investigation,” the investigative report states.

In addition, even though he admitted under oath 
that he “embellished” and included “false” 
information in the correspondence sent to Kelly, 
Mulkearns was given an opportunity by the 
investigative unit to rewrite the letter.

Even after the rewrite, the allegations were 
determined to be unfounded, according to the 
investigative report, which concluded by stating 
that “no further investigation by the 
Headquarters Internal Affairs Flying Squad is anticipated.”

In the wake of that investigation, Mulkearns 
received a plum duty station assignment. In 
addition, the Hispanic agents who were the 
targets of Mulkearns’ letter were dispersed to 
different posts within the Customs Service ­ as was requested in the letter.

More of the same

And for the critics who might dismiss the 
experiences of the El Paso Customs agents, St. 
John and Sandoval ­ as well as the dozens of 
Hispanic and African American agents who 
participated in class-action discrimination 
lawsuits against their agencies ­ as old examples 
of racial tensions that have since been corrected 
in the racially enlightened era of the Bush 
administration, then how can they explain away 
the continuing pattern of racism revealed in more recent cases?

As the director of ICE’s Office of 
Investigations, Marcy Forman oversees some 6.000 
special agents and more than 150 ICE field 
offices. So she wields tremendous power.

The legal case that shines a light on Forman’s 
racist management style involves an African 
American U.S. Customs Inspector (Norman Green) in 
Houston who in 1998 applied for one of two open 
special agent’s position with U.S. Customs ­ 
which has since become part of ICE under the 
Department of Homeland Security (DHS).

Despite applying, Green was not considered for 
the special agent job, and instead two other 
individuals (both white) were selected for agent 
positions, one of whom was clearly less qualified than Green.

Green filed an EEO complaint in 2001 and an 
administrative judge ruled in is favor in 
February 2006, indicating that Green had 
established a prima facie case based on race discrimination.

In April 2006, DHS issued a final order rejecting 
the judge’s finding and then appealed the case to 
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission 
(EEOC). In January of this year, the EEOC 
reversed the agency’s final order ­ a ruling favoring Green.

As part of the ruling, the EEOC indicated that 
the recommending and selecting officers at 
Customs essentially acted as the “cat’s paw” for 
the Assistant Special Agent in Charge in 
Houston  (then Marcy Forman) who made the 
discriminatory recommendations that prevented 
Green from getting the special agent’s job.

The EEOC said Forman, at the time Green applied 
for the special agents job, “essentially ignored 
(Green’s) qualifications” and the administrative 
judge concluded that Green’s qualifications were 
“superior” to that of a candidate who was 
ultimately selected for the agent’s post.

 From the EEOC ruling:

Norman Green, Complainant, v. Michael Chertoff, 
Secretary, Department of Homeland Security, Agency
Hearing No. 330-2004-00026X
Appeal No. 0720060058 ?Agency No. HS 00-ICE-000142
Jan. 19, 2007

 [Forman] met with and encouraged Customs 
Inspectors to apply for Criminal Investigator 
positions and had in fact met with [Green]. 
However, [Green] described his meeting with 
[Forman] as brief, cold and noted that [Forman] 
did not make eye contact with him and seemed 
uninterested in his qualifications for the position.

 The [administrative judge] found that [Forman] 
essentially ignored [Green’s] qualifications in 
recommending [another individual] 
 over [Green].

 The [administrative judge] considered the 
testimony of [a witness for Green], a retired 
agency inspector supervisor, who stated that 
during his tenure with the agency (of some 30 
years), he could not recall any African American 
males promoted from within to the position of 
special agent. He stated that many were 
qualified, but they were not considered, while 
Caucasian inspectors were quickly promoted.

 [Another witness for Green, an African American 
Customs Inspector] stated that [Forman] told him 
at one point that his "black ass would never 
become a special agent" when [Forman] was unhappy 
with [the witness’] actions in connection with 
his performance on a particular case. The 
[administrative judge] found the evidence showed 
that [Forman] was motivated by discrimination 
when she recommended [another agent] over [Green] 
for the position of Criminal Investigator (Special Agent).

 In the instant case we find that substantial 
evidence supports the [administrative judge’s] 
determination that discrimination on the bases of 
race and color occurred when [Green] was not 
selected for the position of Criminal 
Investigator and [a white individual] was 
selected instead. Specifically, we find the 
record supports the [judge’s] finding that 
[Forman’s] recommendations were communicated to 
the recommending and selection officials.

 We order the agency [ICE] to take the following actions:
Within 30 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall promote complainant to 
the position of Special Agent (Criminal 
 retroactive to November 11, 1998.

Within 60 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall pay complainant 
$139,957.00 in back pay and other benefits for 
the period of time between November 11, 1998 and November 16, 2005.

Within 60 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall pay complainant the sum 
of $75,000 for non-pecuniary, compensatory damages;
Within 60 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall pay complainant the sum 
of $32,377.56 for attorney's fees and costs;
Within 60 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall consider taking 
appropriate disciplinary action against the 
responsible management official [Marcy Forman]. 
The agency shall report its decision to the 
Compliance Officer referenced herein. If the 
agency decides to take disciplinary action it 
shall identify the action taken. If the agency 
decides not to take disciplinary action, it shall 
set forth the reason(s) for its decision not to impose discipline.
Within 180 days of the date this decision becomes 
final, the agency shall train all responsible 
agency employees in the agency's facility in 
Houston, Texas, concerning the prevention of race 
and color discrimination and the agency's duties 
to ensure that similar violations do not occur
Apparently, Myers didn’t get the memo on that 
prior to sitting on the judging panel at the 
recent Halloween party. Forman, by the way, 
subsequently rose up the ladder at ICE after her 
stint in Houston and still serves as the director 
of ICE’s Office of Investigations, under the 
direction of ICE chief Myers. In that position, 
Forman is charged with overseeing ICE’s 
nationwide effort to roundup “undocumented 
immigrants,” most of whom happen to be people of color.

And then there’s the recent case of Renae Baros, 
a Hispanic ICE administrative support employee in 
Las Cruces, N.M., who formerly worked as an 
investigative assistant in ICE’s El Paso office.

Baros, in a lawsuit filed in federal court in El 
Paso, alleged that she was denied promotions and 
subjected to frivolous investigations after 
reporting that her supervisor sexually harassed her in the workplace.

Baros’ case went to trial several weeks ago and a 
jury returned a verdict finding that ICE 
Associate Special Agent in Charge Patricia 
Kramer, who is white, did retaliate against her 
for “her complaint of sexual harassment against a supervisor.”

Kramer was the No. 2 person in charge of ICE’s El 
Paso office when Baros’ problems played out. In 
that position, Kramer was instrumental in 
creating a hostile and discriminatory working 
environment in that office, Baros’ attorneys argued in court pleadings.

 From Baros’ court pleadings:

Ms. Kramer’s disdain toward women in general in 
her office and towards Hispanic women led to 10 
Hispanic females filing a Congressional Complaint 
that led to an internal investigation of Ms. 
Kramer’s discriminatory practices
. That 
investigation was conducted by Senior Special Agent Steven Cooper.

The Plaintiff [Baros] has asked for this document 
in discovery and is entitled to it since it will 
bolster [her] claim of gender and racial discrimination.

 [Baros’] attorney has also developed 
information that Ms. Kramer referred to those who 
died in the so-called House of Death matter in a 
derogatory manner when she stated “they’re just Mexicans.”

And yes, as the “just Mexicans” comment suggests, 
the House of Death mass murder is also marked by 
antipathy toward people of “bronze” skin tones.

In that case, an ICE informant played a leading 
role in a dozen murders in Juarez, Mexico, as 
part of a narco-trafficking investigation. After 
ICE leadership became aware of the first murder 
in August 2003, they authorized the continued use 
of the informant, resulting in an additional 11 
murders at the House of Death. All of the victims 
were Mexican, including one U.S. legal resident named Luis Padilla.

Racism, without a doubt, is at the core of why 
the House of Death murders were allowed to occur, 
according to Sandalio Gonzalez, who headed DEA’s 
office in El Paso at the time and blew the 
whistle on the government’s complicity in the murders.

“If this had been a city on the Canadian border, 
these murders would not have happened,” Gonzalez 
told Narco News previously. “Our government would 
not allow Canadian citizens to be tortured and 
. But, in the House of Death case, they 
did let it happen because it was El Paso and 
Juarez and a bunch of Mexicans that they don’t give a shit about.”

And apparently, Congress “doesn’t give a shit” 
either, since in the wake of national and 
international press coverage following on the 
heels of Narco News’ coverage of the House of 
Death, that august body has yet to call a single 
hearing to investigate the government’s role in 
the torture and slayings of a dozen people of color in Juarez, Mexico.

But then for people like Myers ­ and for the 
politicians who harbor an underlying bigotry ­ 
ruling over the people wouldn’t really be any fun 
if they couldn’t wear masks that disguise their true character, would it?

Welcome to The Great American Minstrel Show that is our government.

For more in-depth coverage of the events outlined 
in this story, check out the following links: 
Security, the 
<http://www.narconews.com/houseofdeath>House of 
Death, and this reporter’s 
A summary of mainstream media coverage of Julie 
Myers' Halloween judging prowess can be found at 

Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110

415 863-9977

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