[News] Robert Fisk: He takes his secrets to the grave. Our complicity dies with
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Mon Jan 1 12:19:10 EST 2007
Robert Fisk: He takes his secrets to the grave. Our complicity dies with him
THE INDEPENDENT ON SUNDAY
World: Middle East
31 December 2006
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2114403.ece
By Robert Fisk
We've shut him up. The moment Saddam's hooded
executioner pulled the lever of the trapdoor in
Baghdad yesterday morning, Washington's secrets
were safe. The shameless, outrageous, covert
military support which the United States - and
Britain - gave to Saddam for more than a decade
remains the one terrible story which our
presidents and prime ministers do not want the
world to remember. And now Saddam, who knew the
full extent of that Western support - given to
him while he was perpetrating some of the worst
atrocities since the Second World War - is dead.
Gone is the man who personally received the CIA's
help in destroying the Iraqi communist party.
After Saddam seized power, US intelligence gave
his minions the home addresses of communists in
Baghdad and other cities in an effort to destroy
the Soviet Union's influence in Iraq. Saddam's
mukhabarat visited every home, arrested the
occupants and their families, and butchered the
lot. Public hanging was for plotters; the
communists, their wives and children, were given
special treatment - extreme torture before execution at Abu Ghraib.
There is growing evidence across the Arab world
that Saddam held a series of meetings with senior
American officials prior to his invasion of Iran
in 1980 - both he and the US administration
believed that the Islamic Republic would collapse
if Saddam sent his legions across the border -
and the Pentagon was instructed to assist Iraq's
military machine by providing intelligence on the
Iranian order of battle. One frosty day in 1987,
not far from Cologne, I met the German arms
dealer who initiated those first direct contacts
between Washington and Baghdad - at America's request.
"Mr Fisk... at the very beginning of the war, in
September of 1980, I was invited to go to the
Pentagon," he said. "There I was handed the very
latest US satellite photographs of the Iranian
front lines. You could see everything on the
pictures. There were the Iranian gun emplacements
in Abadan and behind Khorramshahr, the lines of
trenches on the eastern side of the Karun river,
the tank revetments - thousands of them - all the
way up the Iranian side of the border towards
Kurdistan. No army could want more than this. And
I travelled with these maps from Washington by
air to Frankfurt and from Frankfurt on Iraqi
Airways straight to Baghdad. The Iraqis were very, very grateful!"
I was with Saddam's forward commandos at the
time, under Iranian shellfire, noting how the
Iraqi forces aligned their artillery positions
far back from the battle front with detailed maps
of the Iranian lines. Their shelling against Iran
outside Basra allowed the first Iraqi tanks to
cross the Karun within a week. The commander of
that tank unit cheerfully refused to tell me how
he had managed to choose the one river crossing
undefended by Iranian armour. Two years ago, we
met again, in Amman and his junior officers
called him "General" - the rank awarded him by
Saddam after that tank attack east of Basra,
courtesy of Washington's intelligence information.
Iran's official history of the eight-year war
with Iraq states that Saddam first used chemical
weapons against it on 13 January 1981. AP's
correspondent in Baghdad, Mohamed Salaam, was
taken to see the scene of an Iraqi military
victory east of Basra. "We started counting - we
walked miles and miles in this fucking desert,
just counting," he said. "We got to 700 and got
muddled and had to start counting again ... The
Iraqis had used, for the first time, a
combination - the nerve gas would paralyse their
bodies ... the mustard gas would drown them in
their own lungs. That's why they spat blood."
At the time, the Iranians claimed that this
terrible cocktail had been given to Saddam by the
US. Washington denied this. But the Iranians were
right. The lengthy negotiations which led to
America's complicity in this atrocity remain
secret - Donald Rumsfeld was one of President
Ronald Reagan's point-men at this period -
although Saddam undoubtedly knew every detail.
But a largely unreported document, "United States
Chemical and Biological Warfare-related Dual-use
exports to Iraq and their possible impact on the
Health Consequences of the Persian Gulf War",
stated that prior to 1985 and afterwards, US
companies had sent government-approved shipments
of biological agents to Iraq. These included
Bacillus anthracis, which produces anthrax,
andEscherichia coli (E. coli). That Senate report
concluded that: "The United States provided the
Government of Iraq with 'dual use' licensed
materials which assisted in the development of
Iraqi chemical, biological and missile-systems
programs, including ... chemical warfare agent
production facility plant and technical drawings,
chemical warfare filling equipment."
Nor was the Pentagon unaware of the extent of
Iraqi use of chemical weapons. In 1988, for
example, Saddam gave his personal permission for
Lt-Col Rick Francona, a US defence intelligence
officer - one of 60 American officers who were
secretly providing members of the Iraqi general
staff with detailed information on Iranian
deployments, tactical planning and bomb damage
assessments - to visit the Fao peninsula after
Iraqi forces had recaptured the town from the
Iranians. He reported back to Washington that the
Iraqis had used chemical weapons to achieve their
victory. The senior defence intelligence officer
at the time, Col Walter Lang, later said that the
use of gas on the battlefield by the Iraqis "was
not a matter of deep strategic concern".
I saw the results, however. On a long military
hospital train back to Tehran from the battle
front, I found hundreds of Iranian soldiers
coughing blood and mucus from their lungs - the
very carriages stank so much of gas that I had to
open the windows - and their arms and faces were
covered with boils. Later, new bubbles of skin
appeared on top of their original boils. Many
were fearfully burnt. These same gases were later
used on the Kurds of Halabja. No wonder that
Saddam was primarily tried in Baghdad for the
slaughter of Shia villagers, not for his war crimes against Iran.
We still don't know - and with Saddam's execution
we will probably never know - the extent of US
credits to Iraq, which began in 1982. The initial
tranche, the sum of which was spent on the
purchase of American weapons from Jordan and
Kuwait, came to $300m. By 1987, Saddam was being
promised $1bn in credit. By 1990, just before
Saddam's invasion of Kuwait, annual trade between
Iraq and the US had grown to $3.5bn a year.
Pressed by Saddam's foreign minister, Tariq Aziz,
to continue US credits, James Baker then
Secretary of State, but the same James Baker who
has just produced a report intended to drag
George Bush from the catastrophe of present- day
Iraq - pushed for new guarantees worth $1bn from the US.
In 1989, Britain, which had been giving its own
covert military assistance to Saddam guaranteed
£250m to Iraq shortly after the arrest of
Observer journalist Farzad Bazoft in Baghdad.
Bazoft, who had been investigating an explosion
at a factory at Hilla which was using the very
chemical components sent by the US, was later
hanged. Within a month of Bazoft's arrest William
Waldegrave, then a Foreign Office minister, said:
"I doubt if there is any future market of such a
scale anywhere where the UK is potentially so
well-placed if we play our diplomatic hand
correctly... A few more Bazofts or another bout
of internal oppression would make it more difficult."
Even more repulsive were the remarks of the then
Deputy Prime Minister, Geoffrey Howe, on relaxing
controls on British arms sales to Iraq. He kept
this secret, he wrote, because "it would look
very cynical if, so soon after expressing outrage
about the treatment of the Kurds, we adopt a more
flexible approach to arms sales".
Saddam knew, too, the secrets of the attack on
the USS Stark when, on 17 May 1987, an Iraqi jet
launched a missile attack on the American
frigate, killing more than a sixth of the crew
and almost sinking the vessel. The US accepted
Saddam's excuse that the ship was mistaken for an
Iranian vessel and allowed Saddam to refuse their
request to interview the Iraqi pilot.
The whole truth died with Saddam Hussein in the
Baghdad execution chamber yesterday. Many in
Washington and London must have sighed with
relief that the old man had been silenced for ever.
'The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of
the Middle East' by Robert Fisk is now available in paperback
Copyright 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
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