[News] Mumia Abu-Jamal - Hispanics, Latin America and the Struggle Against the Empire
Anti-Imperialist News
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Mon Jun 26 12:43:41 EDT 2006
http://www.counterpunch.org/cruz06262006.html
June 26, 2006
An Interview with Mumia Abu-Jamal
Hispanics, Latin America and the Struggle Against the Empire
By RAFAEL RODRÍGUEZ-CRUZ
Strangers probably do not go unnoticed in the
town of Waynesburg, Pennsylvania, where Mumia
Abu-Jamal is incarcerated. Waynesburg is a small
rural community of Western Pennsylvania with a
total population of 4,000. It is certainly not
racially diverse: roughly 97% of the inhabitants
are White. Thus, you have to work hard to see a
Black or Hispanic person walking around in this
town. In fact, according to the U.S. Census,
there are only 68 Blacks, 4 Native Americans and
27 Hispanics in the whole county of Green,
Pennsylvania, which includes within its
boundaries the town of Waynesburg. This is
certainly very much in contrast with Springfield,
Massachusetts, where my journey to visit Mumia Abu-Jamal began on May 23, 2006.
Yet, what is more striking about Waynesburg is
not the lack of racial diversity, but the
widespread poverty. This is a town where White
people are still employed in jobs that usually
minorities do in other communities: fast food
restaurants jobs at the local truck stops,
agricultural jobs of different sorts, some
manufacturing employment (for the lucky ones) and
construction jobs. The local supermarket, not far
from the town's entrance, is not even stocked
with the latest products in the market. After
all, it is surrounded primarily by trailer parks
and residences of families that have to live on
meager incomes and poorly paying jobs (the income
per capita is only $15,000). Waynesburg, by the
way, supported George Bush in 2004.
One of the major employers -if not the most
important one- is the State Correctional
Institution (SCI) at Green, located in the
outskirts of Waynesburg. The economic
significance of the correctional facility can be
gauged perhaps by the name of the street where it
is located: Progress Drive. It reminds me a lot
of upstate New York and some of the prisons
located in small towns, like Hudson or
Poughkeepsie, where I worked as a teacher for a
prisoner's education program years ago.
Everything revolves around the prison complex.
For instance, the biggest and fanciest hotel in
Waynesburg the Comfort Inn- is about two minutes
from SCI at Green, and it actually offers its
guests a clear view of the prison's entrance.
Talk about a room with a view! Visitors are
allowed to enter SCI at Green from Wednesday to
Sunday, as a general rule. Accordingly, you
cannot find an empty hotel room in Waynesburg,
except on non-visit days. A lot of people
-merchants I mean- seem to be making money out of
the arrangement of housing relatives of death row inmates on visiting days.
On the positive side, the correctional
institution has the racial diversity that the
town of Waynesburg lacks. I did not see too many
inmates inside the correctional campus (this is a
close-security facility), but the ones that I saw
where Black. Strangely, I felt some relief inside
the prison walls, at least culturally and
racially speaking. The lack of ethnic diversity
of the town is, simply stated, suffocating.
In any case, I had a powerful reason to feel
excited: I was in Waynesburg to visit Mumia
Abu-Jamal, a friend of the Rosenberg Fund for
Children and a revolutionary thinker who I
admire. We spoke for about three and a half
hours. The interview that follows cannot capture
entirely what this experience has meant to me.
Suffice perhaps is to say that in that small room
at SCI, listening to Mumia and exchanging ideas
with him, I was able to escape from the
overpowering sense of hopelessness that permeates
our culture at large, even amongst leftists. I
know that this might sound odd, but I came out of
my visit to the death row section of the State
Correctional Institution at Green -thanks to
Mumia- with more hope on mankind than before. The
toughest part of the whole journey was leaving
the confines of those oppressive walls, knowing
that such an extraordinary person, Brother Mumia
Abu-Jamal, is still there, unjustly incarcerated.
Question # 1: I want to begin this interview with
a question about revolutionary journalism. In you
opinion what made the Black Panther's newspaper
an effective revolutionary tool for communicating
with the masses? Are there any lessons to be
applied to this time when communication via the
internet has replaced the role of the traditional
revolutionary and militant journalist?
The Black Panther newspaper was indeed a
collective effort, not just of people assigned to
the Party's Ministry of Information (such as
myself) , but of the Party as a whole. That is
because the paper received proposed articles from
chapters and branches from around the country (at
its height, the Party had some 44 chapters and
branches), sometimes written by chapter
information officers, sometimes by branch
leadership, but just as of ten by rank and file
Panthers, who felt moved to write about their
city's events and struggles. In that sense, it
was extremely democratic in character. If a new
people's medical center opened, excited Party
members wrote; if any Panthers were busted, or
brutalized by cops, we'd receive detailed accountings, with Polaroid photos.
What made it invaluable to the revolutionary
project was that people interacted on a weekly
and often daily basis, while selling papers. To
organize folks, you must talk with them. The
deficit disclosed by today's internet usage is
that one interacts w/ a keyboard, not with a living, breathing person.
Some who do extensive internet work may disagree,
but, in point of fact, while it's obviously true
that you're interacting w/ a "person", it is hard
to determine whom that " person" really is. (Not
to mention the spying by the State.)
When you are organizing, either trying to get
support for your project, or for a specific
event, you talk to folks, you listen to folks,
also, by this give and take, you learn what
"works" w/ folks, by how they respond. Are they
really listening? Are they engaged? Etc. Those
facial and bodily tics and cues can't be
ascertained when mediated through the keyboard.
At it's height, between 150,000 to 200,000 papers
were sold on ghetto street corners, in bars, in
beauty shops, in restaurants, and in barbershops
all across Black America every week-with no
advertising! This was unmediated Black
revolutionary news, coming straight to the folks, for over a decade.
Because young people were writing, editing and
selling this product, it had the language, tone
and fearlessness of youth, mixed with the
revolutionary, quasi-Marxist terms that were made
popular by global revolutionary struggles and movements.
Finally, it was invaluable in the way it got out
the Party's perspective, instead of relying on the corporate, bourgeois press.
Question # 2: In your book We Want Freedom, you
talk about the influence that the 1960's
struggles in the Third World had on the
internationalist perspective of the Black Panther
Party. What impact do you think that the current
revolutionary and progressive movements in Latin
America are likely to have on the struggles of
oppressed people in the United States?
As I noted in We Want Freedom, the BPP developed
an internationalist perspective, because Huey P.
Newton (the Party's Minister of Defense &
co-founder) was curious about revolutionary
struggles and liberation struggles that came
before, whether in China, in Cuba, in Congo-Brazzavile, wherever.
What Party members learned was that people should
study struggles in other parts of the world--and
take what is useful, applicable, in their own struggles here.
What we see now, for the most part, is precisely
the opposite: where folks from the so-called
First travel to Third locations, and presume to
teach lowly third-world populations how to
struggle. I call this tendency "left
imperialism", because those people, usually white
leftists, base their claim to supremacy not upon
their specific, or organizational work, but upon
their privileged place in the Empire; their U.S.
nationality, and often their Western background- their whiteness.
From what experience base can U.S. leftists
claim supremacy? What project can they point to
that is successful, and should be replicated
anywhere else in the world? The mass
incarceration? The poisonous public school
system? The crumbling environment? The deepening
racial rifts? The Clinton Administration?
Nothing succeeds like success; and U.S.
"leftists" have precious little success to boast about--at home or abroad.
An example of "left imperialism" can be found in
how easily so-called liberals applauded U.S.
bombing, takeover and occupation of Afghanistan,
and later Iraq. Liberals typically argue that
Afghanistan was a "good" war and occupation; yet
Iraq was "bad". In point of fact, both, if I'm
not mistaken, violated international law. But
beyond that, the Afghanistan war was allegedly
justified on the basis that the Taliban regime "'harbored" terrorists.
At the same time that U.S. politicians were
barking such charges, the country was flush with
terrorists, who waged wars against their own
peoples in defense of their American masters.
People who have waged bloody massacres against
Haitian workers and students live in peaceful
solitude in the U.S. Anti-Castro terrorists who
have bombed planes, and poisoned crops, and
bombed hotels live in splendid peace in
Miami-today. Meanwhile, the Cuban Five are
unjustly incarcerated in this country for
fighting against U.S. sponsored terrorism.
I can't count how many dictators, generals,
cut-throats, have been kicked out of their home
countries, and found refuge in the U.S. One final
note about 'harboring terrorists'.... more people
have been taught torture techniques in the U.S.
School of the Americas (since renamed), than in
any dusty camp in Afghanistan. Latin Americans
call the school, la escuela de golpes de Estado: coup d'état school.
How many graduates of this 'School of the
Americas' have raped, tortured, garroted, blown
up, killed--terrorized the people of Latin American countries?
The point is not to simply be anti-war, but to be
above all anti-imperialist. That's something that
left imperialists find impossible to, do.
Question # 3: Fidel Castro is turning 80 on
august 13, 2006. What is the meaning of the Cuban revolution in the year 2006?
Cuba holds a special place in my heart. Not only
for their great revolution against an
American-supported puppet (Batista), but their
internationalism in practice, when they sent
their own people -troops- to help a sister
country, Angola, fight off the brutal
cross-border raids from the apartheid regime in
South Africa. In a place called Cuito Canavale,
Cuban troops stopped South African advances in
their tracks, and taught them the meaning of mortality.
And just as Black troops during the Civil War
taught white Confederates about the falseness of
white supremacy, Cuba's Black, white and brown
troops taught them important lessons.
They learned the value of negotiating a
settlement, and suddenly the African National
Congress (ANC) didn't look so bad. South Africa
certainly still has daunting problems, and things
are still far from equal. But the apartheid
regime was an affront to every Black person of
earth. Cuba--little, besieged, embargoed
Cuba--made a momentous difference. And they did
so in a time when Ronald Reagan advocated
"constructive engagement" with the racists!
Fidel, with his determination, his profound
humanism, has become a legend of the 20th, and now the 21st century.
I'm sure people around the world, in the US, in
Brazil, in Venezuela, in South Africa, and beyond
join me in wishing millions of birthday greetings
to this revolutionary: Feliz cumpleaños Fidel!
Cuba represents the power of resistance and
survival against tremendous odds. It also
represents the power of the small over the
mighty. It is, in the words of Assata Shakur, a
Palenque like Palmares (in slavery days, Brazil).
It is a place of freedom amidst capitalist tyranny.
Question # 4: The COINTELPRO program was able to
promote division within the Black Panther Party
and also in Puerto Rico. What allowed them to be
effective in promoting such operatives within the
Black Panther Party? What are the lessons for today?
During an interview w/ the British journal, Race
& Class, former political prisoner, Geronimo
Ji-Jaga, former Dep. Minister of Defense of the
Party (in L.A.) told an interviewer that they
(members of the Party) never thought that the
government would go so far, to break its own
laws, etc. , to stop the Party. He reasoned that
'we didn't think we were that important.'
It's also true that in a revolutionary era, to be
part of that revolution was as natural as
breathing. Plus, young people are inherently
rebellious. They long to be part of Change.
But what COINTELPRO represented was war against
dissidence, whether in the Black community, among
socialists, among anti-Vietnam war activists, or Puerto Rican independentistas.
During the Church Committee hearings, a
high-ranking FBI official stated it all when he
said (of FBI tactics against US radicals): "This
is a common practice, rough, tough, dirty
business; whether o not we should be in it or
not, that is for you folks to decide. We are in
it. To repeat, it is a rough, tough, dirty
business, and dangerous.... no holds were barred.
We have used that technique against foreign
espionage agents, and they have used it against us."
When the Church Committee Chief Counsel asked the
official if these techniques were used against
Americans, he replied, "Yes; brought home against
any organization against which we were targeting.
We did not differentiate. This is a rough, tough
business." [U.S. Senate Hearings, Nov.-Dec. 1975, vol. 6. P.24.1
Question # 5: What are your thoughts about the
recent mass mobilizations of millions of
undocumented immigrant workers in the United
States? Are they natural allies of other
oppressed minorities, particularly Blacks?
The massive, spirited demonstrations were a joy
to see; I think they marked the emergence of an
oppressed people, from the shadows into the
light. It brought back memories. I think it also
demonstrated 'the browning of America', and
thereby activated a reservoir of fear in white
America, which looks down their nose at people
south of the border. Given the power of media to
shape ideas, we shouldn't be surprised that some
Black Americans echoed the xenophobia of whites,
and looked at Brown America's emergence with
concern. What it reminded me of was our
little-known, but shared history. In the 1830s,
the US was at war with Seminoles, because they
were one of the few Indian tribes who refused to
return Blacks to slavery in Georgia and Carolina.
The Seminoles fought at least 2 wars with the
U.S. on precisely this principle. After years of
war, the Red and Black Seminoles found freedom in
fleeing Florida, and finding new homes in Mexico.
The Seminoles, led by a warrior named Coacoochee
(called Wild Cat), and assisted by a Black
warrior named John Horse, took their soldiers and
tribesmen, across the Rio Grande.
Mexico abolished slavery in 1829.They offered not
only land, but posts in the Mexican Army.
Thousands of Black men, women, and children found
freedom in Mexico years before a war brought
legal (but false) freedom in the lands of their
birth. From such intertwined histories, alliances can be made.
For Black folks, and Red folks, fought, not for
the US Empire, but for Mexican independence, and for freedom (literally!).
So, the 'browning' of America doesn't fill me
with alarm; for I know that "brownness" comes
from Aztec, Seminoles, African, and others.
Question # 6: Can you talk also a little bit
about the experience of the Black Panther Party
and the Puerto Rican communities in places like New York City?
The Black Panther Party had the most impact on
Puerto Rican communities, I think, in NYC, and in
Chicago. Both cities had chapters of the Young
Lords Party, a socialist, independence group
which had its origins in a youth gang in
Chi-town. There, at the urging of Fred Hampton
the Lords became increasing politicized, and in
many ways, were inspired by the BPP. (Among
Mexican-American brothers and sisters, the Brown
Berets grew in Chicago, as well as in
California). In New York, former YLP people
joined the BPP, in part, because they were
Afro-Puerto Ricans. We had a number of such
members of the Bronx, Harlem and Brooklyn
chapters. Offhand, I remember Denise Oliver, who
came from Harlem, and Sol Fernandez, who was in the Bronx.
Their membership was important, not just
symbolically, but because of their ability to
speak to communities that usually couldn't hear, or read, our works.
Question # 7: What are the obstacles to building
a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-racial
revolutionary movement in the United States in the year 2006?
There are not enough substantial opportunities
for us to work together, and by so doing, to
learn the worth of such a project. We argue over
crumbs. For example, on black radio and in black
conversations in response to the mass immigration
demos, people could be heard saying, "They want our jobs."
What, pray tell, is so good about many of the
jobs Black folks have in the US? As it stands, we
probably have the highest unemployment already!
Rather than fighting each other, we need to find
ways to work together, to deepen, broaden, and
give new, real meaning to democracy.
The obstacles are false consciousness, white
supremacy, and linguistic barriers. But, I really
believe that all of these can be surmounted.
Question # 8: Is the struggle for the
independence of Puerto Rico still meaningful for
revolutionary politics in the United States?
Once again, I look at it from the perspective of
a learner, not a teacher. I say that because the
PR independence movement has demonstrated, on the
ground, the power of its political mobilization,
when it freed many (not all) of its political
prisoners. There is no movement in the US that
has duplicated this--even among the white so-called 'left'. That is impressive.
So, puertorriqueños have more to teach us about
community mobilization, principled struggle, and
broad unity over revolutionary goals, than we think we have to teach them.
Plus, given the increasing levels of aggression
shown by the Empire, the independence movement
can only heat up. How many young Puerto Rican men
and women will join the imperial army, to fight
wars, when Puerto Ricans on the island can't even
vote for President (Emperor)? When they sense
their colonial position costs them far more than
it benefits, the independence movement can only be fueled.
Question # 9: What I, in your opinion, the state
of political persecution in the United States?
In the late 60s, and early 70s, when COINTELPRO
was revealed, folks were genuinely shocked. It
was in every conversation, every paper. It was in
the air. "Can you believe it? " "Did you hear---"
Flash forward 30 years, and everything that was
unlawful under COINTELPRO, is now legal under the US Patriot Act.
What is the response to revelations of wiretaps?
Of mail covers? Of internet snooping by the govt.?
Not surprise. It's kind of like, "Well, I knew
they were doing that .... "What else is new?" "So
what? If it'll stop another 9-11 ..."
Instead of shock, one finds resignation; a kind
of inside knowledge, reflected in the culture in
flicks like "Enemy of the State." Of course, the
things happening have been occurring in the
so-called 3rd world, primarily. Well, finally,
the chickens have come home to roost (to quote
Malcolm X). The things that America did abroad
are now returning from the periphery to the
interior of the Empire. And given the logic of
globalism, even the false shield of whiteness
will not long protect people here, who have grown
up thinking, 'it can't happen here.'
I am reminded that Germany had the most cultured,
most intellectually sophisticated, most
technologically progressive, and most educated
bourgeoisie in Western Europe; but all of that
didn't stop the rise, and then the flood of
fascism. Indeed, if we are honest, we learn that
both they, (and the South Africans!) learned much
of their segregation, reservation, and racial
'hygiene' ideas from the turn-of-the-century Americans.
The fever unleashed by 9-11 has let loose
something in the culture, like a fervor, that is
still afoot. It portends something quite unhealthy is coming.
In the very beginning, with rhetoric of
'democracy', the rulers looked over the span of
ages, and selected a model to embrace. Having
just rejected and defeated a king, one isn't
surprised that the royal model wasn't emulated.
But about the parliamentary model? While it
certainly has its critics, it allows a wider
range of political representation than the
winner-take-all of the present structure.
Americans, students of history, looked to,
admired, and sought to imitate Rome, by choosing a Senate.
By emulating Empire, it inherits the infirmities
as well as the glories. Weak senates create
overweening executives. In Rome, we remember, it
was the Senate that gave Octavianus the titles of
Prince of the Senate and Emperor. They paid for
it. The US Senate gave unlimited powers to Bush. We'll pay for that too.
If there is one lesson that echoes down the
corridors of time and history, it is this: No
Empire Lasts Forever. But people are not an
empire; they can transcend such things. In order to survive, they must.
Rafael Rodriguez-Cruz is an attorney and a member
of the Board of Directors of the Rosenberg Fund
for Children in Easthampton, Massachusetts.
Founded by Robert Meeropol, the youngest son of
Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, the RFC is a non for
profit agency that provides for the educational
and emotional needs of children of targeted
progressive activists in the United States. He
also writes for the Puerto Rican newspaper
Claridad. He can be reached at:
<mailto:RRodriguezCruz at ghla.org>RRodriguezCruz at ghla.org
The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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