[News] Endgame Engulfs Mexico
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Aug 16 15:35:45 EDT 2006
http://www.counterpunch.org/ross08162006.html
August 16, 2006
Towards Armageddon and After
Endgame Engulfs Mexico
By JOHN ROSS
Mexico City.
They carried the coffin of Jose Jimenez
Colmanares on their shoulders through the narrow
streets of Oaxaca city into the old colonial
plaza they had occupied for months and deposited
it outside the state government offices. There
his comrades - striking schoolteachers and
militants of the mostly-indigenous Oaxaca Popular
Peoples' Assembly (APPO) mourned the fallen car
mechanic with furious epithets and accusations.
Jimenez, the husband of a striking teacher, had
been gunned down by goons during a march two
nights before and the assailants had been tracked
to a nearby warehouse where they were captured by
the furious crowd and their hideout burnt to the
ground. But for the striking teachers and their
allies in the APPO, the bullet that murdered Jose
Jimenez was fired by Governor Ulisis Ruiz whose
resignation they have been demanding for months.
The strike of Oaxaca's teachers began last May
15, the Day of the Maestro, when 70,000 members
of the radicalized Section 22 of the National
Education Workers Union walked out of their
classrooms in pursuit of a cost of living
increase. Encamped in the same plaza where Jose
Jimenez's corpse was now planted, the maestros
refused to move even after Governor Ruiz set a
thousand state police on them June 14--more than
a hundred were injured as the cops slammed
concussion grenades into the swirling crowd below
from low-flying helicopters. But the teachers
soon retook the plaza and together with the even
more radical APPO have continued to carry on a
vigorous campaign of civil disobedience and just plain sabotage.
Pledging to physically obstruct the July 2
presidential balloting in the state, many
teachers instead voted for leftist candidate
Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) who won the
popular vote in Oaxaca handily greatly
embarrassing Governor Ruiz, a disciple of the
long-ruling
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1560255781/counterpunchmaga>
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Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) standard bearer Roberto Madrazo.
In the heady days since July 2 during which Lopez
Obrador was apparently swindled out of the
presidency of Mexico, both sides in the Oaxaca
stand-off have grown more aggressive, the
maestros and their allies blocking highways,
tourist hotels, and burning up the stage at the
annual Guelaguetza indigenous dance festival,
forcing the cancellation of Oaxaca's top tourist
attraction. Governor Ruiz has responded in the
old PRI way, sending his pistoleros after his
detractors--a university radio station was shot
up, as was a local newspaper Noticias which had
dared to diss Ruiz. A professor was gunned down
near the Autonomous Benito Juarez University and
protestors' buses were torched. Leaders of the
APPO, including one wheelchair-bound activist
were arrested and jailed in maximum-security
prisons. Jimenez's death may not have been the final straw.
Up until the present face-off, Ulisis Ruiz was a
rising star in the sinking PRI firmament. During
its excruciatingly long and cruel seven decade
rule, the former ruling party stole one election
after another, crushed or co-opted those who
opposed it, dominated the nation's political
agenda, and deliberately kept the Mexican people
in abject poverty, holding their votes hostage
for crumbs until the PRI was unceremoniously
dumped from power six years ago by the right-wing
National Action or PAN party and outgoing president Vicente Fox.
The ex-official party's fortunes fell even more
precipitously this past July 2 when the PRI
finished a dismal third behind Lopez Obrador's
Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and
right-winger Felipe Calderon's PAN. Its unctuous
candidate Madrazo had been Ulisis Ruiz's
protector in PRI ruling circles and the Oaxaca
governor's political future is deeply entangled
with the snake-slim former party president from
tropical Tabasco. But for now, the future of the
PRI, not only in Oaxaca but all over Mexico's political map, is past.
Southern Mexico was once the ex-ruling party's
"green reserve" where the ballot boxes always
came back stuffed with 110% of the votes for the
PRI, a "zapato" (shoe) or "carro completo" (full
car) in the Institutionals' arcane argot - but on
July 2, Lopez Obrador swept 16 southern Mexican
states, the poorest, most indigenous, and
resource-rich region in the union containing 54
per cent of the nation's population, including
the PRI's greenest reserves--Veracruz, Tabasco, Chiapas and Oaxaca.
Both Tabasco and Chiapas are expected to sustain
the AMLO tide in gubernatorial elections this
August and September. But in Chiapas, it is not
easy to separate the PRIistas from the former
PRIistas who have moved into the PRD's house in
the last months. The PRD's candidate for
governor- Juan Sabines, the nephew of the
nation's most passionate romantic poet, is a
political hack who accepted the left-center
party's nomination only after he had been denied
the slot by the PRI. Under the auspices of
outgoing Chiapas governor Pablo Salazar, who
spent six years walking a tightrope between Fox,
the PRI, and the PRD, Sabines was running 10
points ahead of the pack when abracadabra, the
PAN candidate and an ex-PRDista who had
opportunistically availed himself of the PANAL or
New Alliance Party's nomination under the
tutelage of teachers' union czarina Elba Esther
Gordillo, abruptly retired from the race and
threw their votes to the PRI's Juan Antonio
Bodegas. If this sounds like universal treason, it is.
In Chiapas, at least, and in many states where
AMLO won big July 2, both the PRI and the
PRD--not to mention the PAN, which seems to have
stolen the presidency from Lopez Obrador "a la
antigua" (in the old PRI way)--are all living in the past tense
PRESENT TENSE
Despite their demands for a vote-by-vote recount,
Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador is convinced that he
won the July 2 presidential race only to have
victory wrested away in a complicated fraud
orchestrated by the Federal Electoral Commission
(IFE) to favor right-winger Felipe Calderon. The
seven judge tribunal (TRIFE)which has until
September 5 to name the next president of Mexico,
has ordered a review of less than 10 per cent of
the 130,000 plus "casillas" or precincts where 41
million citizens deposited their ballots back on the first Sunday in July.
Notwithstanding AMLO's refusal to go along with
the "10% Solution", the partial recount began
last Wednesday in 149 out of the nation's 300
electoral districts. Putting little credence in
the fairness of a process he is convinced is
rigged against him, Lopez Obrador has vowed to
intensify the campaign of civil resistance that
his followers, still encamped on the streets and
boulevards of the capital, have so industriously waged for weeks.
Even as the votes were being counted out in 26 of
the nation's 32 states, AMLO's people closed down
toll booths at the gates of Mexico City, slipping
plastic bags that read "Voto Por Voto" over the
coin collection boxes, and let thousands of
motorists into the city for free--not really a
huge favor in a megalopolis where traffic has
been hopelessly snarled since the encampments
were established July 30. In response, the
federal commission (CAFUPE) that oversees
Mexico's mostly privatized highways--road tolls
are some of the most expensive in the world to
insure a quick return on transnational
investment--offered to drag Lopez Obrador into
court for endangering the taxpayers' patrimony.
In a concerted effort to disrupt Mexico's highly
globalized economy, supporters also shut down
three major foreign-owned banks (all Mexican
banks are foreign-owned) and blocked doors at the
Finance Ministry's tax-collection offices--AMLO's
people shut down the Mexican stock market the week before.
The civil resistance campaign has stoked a
backlash amongst chilangos (Mexico City
residents) who did not vote for Lopez Obrador,
the former mayor of the capital. 349 motorists
have filed complaints with the city's human
rights commission protesting that their right of
free transit is being violated by the camp-in.
Interim mayor Alejandro Encinas, AMLO's one-time
left-hand man and a roly-poly former communist,
has been threatened with impeachment for failing
to order the police to clean out the encampments.
One transnational publicity outfit that has
display advertising contracts with the city filed
charges with the attorney general because its
clients' billboards were being visually obstructed by the campers' tents.
To answer the charges, several thousand
protestors marched on federal law enforcement
offices, some wearing convict's stripes, others
in handcuffs or hogtied or wearing nooses around
their necks but all sporting notices of their
intention of turning themselves into the
authorities for "defending democracy."
But while these hijinks grabbed the cameras,
behind locked doors in 149 district offices of
the much-abused IFE and indeed staffed by the
same IFE technicians who had fouled the July 2
vote, the partial recount proceeded under the
eyes of hurriedly appointed members of the
judiciary, not all of them of proven probity by
any means, and the representatives of the
political parties. The press was locked out,
permitted in only for photo ops and on-the-fly
interviews with party reps. But despite the
absence of hard info, the numbers began to flow sub rosa early on.
Inside the counting rooms, Mexico's 2006
presidential election, exalted by the U.S. State
Department as a paragon of democracy, was not a
pretty sight. Hundreds of ballot boxes warehoused
under military guard had been broken into, their
seals ripped open, and the contents contaminated.
Sometimes the ballots were scattered on the floor
of the warehouse, sometimes there were no ballots
inside the boxes to verify what the tally sheets
("actas") affirmed. When AMLO's representatives
grew apoplectic at the wholesale fraud, the
judges ordered the military to expel them from the recount.
Jalisco, a PAN citadel, was the first state to
report results on election night--there was a
governor's race on the ballot as well as the
presidential vote and the PAN seemed to have
kicked ass, building up a 70 per cent landslide.
But the results seemed so out of whack with
national numbers (Calderon was awarded a highly
dubious .58 per cent victory by the IFE) that the
judges ordered more than 1700 casillas in the state reopened.
The new count did not sustain Calderon's Election
Day claims. In 15 ballot boxes in District 3
(Tepatitlan), the PANista had been awarded 2700
votes according to the tally sheets that could
not be found in the ballot boxes. Lopez Obrador,
meanwhile, picked up 250 votes in the district,
about 12 per casilla--Calderon's disputed 243,000
"victory" breaks down to about 1.8 per casilla.
On paper, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador had only to
accumulate a total of 24,000 votes recovered in
his favor or subtracted from Calderon's in the
partial sample--10 per cent of all the
precincts--in order to catch the right-winger and
force the judges to count out all the ballots
"voto por voto." According to the PRD's electoral
guru Horacio Duarte, not only has AMLO rescued
that many votes in the recount but also at least
150,000 Calderon votes cannot be substantiated by the recount,
Extrapolating the total vote from these estimates
would give Lopez Obrador a 1.5 million-vote victory.
Thousands of ballots not found in the ballot
boxes were apparently added to the PANista's
total July 2 while thousands of other ballots
issued to the precincts were never accounted for.
One federal judge has suggested that voters took
them home as souvenirs. In addition, nearly a
million ballots cast July 2 were declared null
and void by federal election officials--nearly
four times the margin of Calderon's purported triumph.
Indeed the gross number of anomalies found in the
sample that now must be evaluated by the TRIFE
could result in the annulation of enough
districts to throw the election back to Lopez
Obrador - although no one is banking on such a
happy ending. AMLO himself seems to have lost
faith in a judicial process that has always
favored the rich and powerful, and now talks of
preventing the presidency of Felipe Calderon from being imposed upon the land.
FUTURE TENSE
This past Sunday (August 13), amidst rumors that
the encampments were about to be lifted, Andres
Manuel Lopez Obrador took his customary stance on
the speaker's platform in the packed Zocalo plaza
for yet another "informative assembly". For the
first time in years, I was invited to view the
proceedings from the roof garden of the Majestic
Hotel where AMLO's less impoverished supporters
often convene for brunch--the Majestic fronts the
Zocalo in sniper's range of Lopez Obrador.
Down below, tens of thousands of little yellow
AMLO ants swarmed and seethed, the chants of "los
de abajo" rising in great waves from the street
and infecting even the "perfumados" (the perfumed
ones.) "Voto Por Voto, Casilla Por Casilla!" and
"No Estas Solo!" rang from the rooftop garden.
From that vantage point, Lopez Obrador was
poised right behind the monumental Mexican flag
planted at the exact center of the plaza. The
red, white and green banner, which features an
eagle devouring a snake on a nopal cactus bush,
kept furling and unfurling dramatically, definitely the visual of the day.
Lopez Obrador was here to talk about the future.
No, the camps would not be dismantled. He
projected that they might remain in place for
years. As usual, he did not express much hope
that even confronted by the stinking garbage of
electoral fraud their own recount had vomited up,
the judges would open any more ballot boxes and
count out the votes one by one. Even now, they
were preparing to sweep the whole mess under the
legal rug and crown Calderon king of Mexico. The
immediate task was to prevent the TRIFE from
putting the certificate of constancy that would
confirm the July 2 flimflam in Felipe's little
hand. Whenever and wherever this crime was to
take place, AMLO appealed to his supporters to
disrupt the ceremony--peacefully, of course.
There were other dates on the calendar of civil
resistance. On September 1, outgoing President
Vicente Fox is to go to congress to present his
annual "Informe" or State of the Union address
and Lopez Obrador called upon his people to
surround the legislature. An attempt to establish
a camp outside the building August 14 was
repelled by Federal Preventative Police and Fox's
elite military guard. Newly elected PRD
legislators were gassed and beaten, the first
overt repression against AMLO's people during the post-electoral troubles.
On September 15, Fox is slated to deliver his
final Independence Day "Grito" ("Viva Mexico!")
to a usually jammed Zocalo but the fiery leftist
advised the president to find another venue--his
people were here now and they would deliver their
own grito. AMLO also encouraged his supporters to
dog Fox as he travels around the country,
protesting his role in the Great Fraud at every
stop--there have already been shoving matches
between AMLO's people and the elite troops assigned to protect the president.
Loath to expose his person to an enraged public,
Felipe Calderon has yet to venture outside
business and political circles in upscale
southern Mexico City--his SUV was attacked by
furious street venders on his one foray outside his insulated bailiwick.
September 16 promises to be an exhilarating day
on AMLO's dance card. Traditionally, the Zocalo
is the starting point for an ultra patriotic
military parade that day. Battalion after
battalion goose step beneath the President's
flag-bedecked balcony as he waves from the
National Palace. But instead of martial music and
streaking jet fighters, Lopez Obrador is
summoning all Mexicans to flock to the Zocalo for
an historic National Democratic Convention. How
the Generals will respond to this cheeky
challenge is not much of a mystery. The tanks will be in the street.
Armageddon is scheduled for December 1 on AMLO's
calendar. That's when FeCal, as he is universally
dubbed by his detractors, will receive the
presidential sash from his predecessor. As Luis
Hernandez, editor of the national left daily La
Jornada op ed page recently speculated, the
inauguration will probably take place behind the
walls of Military Camp #1 in western Mexico City to avoid civil insurrection.
In addition to strong-arming Calderon, Lopez
Obrador is reportedly seeking consensus among the
PRD's congressional representatives, about a
third of the 628 deputies and senators, not to
take office September 1. Such a strike by elected
officials could paralyze the new congress and
trigger constitutional crisis. But some
legislators argue that the PAN-PRI majority will
use the interval to order the destruction of the
evidence of massive fraud July 2nd by burning the
ballots, much as they did after the PRI stole the
election from Cuauhtemoc Cardenas in 1988.
And after Armageddon--what next? Widespread armed
rebellion? A new Mexican revolution? A sniper's
bullet from a window of the Majestic Hotel? Will Oliver Stone make the movie?
John Ross's ZAPATISTAS! Making Another World
Possible--Chronicles of Resistance 2000-2006 will
be published by Nation Books in October. Ross
will travel the left coast this fall with the new
volume and a hot-off-the-press chapbook of poetry
Bomba!--all suggestions of venues will be
cheerfully entertained--write <mailto:johnross at igc.org>johnross at igc.org
The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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