[News] Scott Ritter: The Salvador option

[News at freedomarchives.org]

The Salvador option
By Scott Ritter

Thursday 20 January 2005, 15:51 Makka Time, 12:51 GMT

By any standard, the ongoing American occupation of Iraq is a disaster.

The highly vaunted US military machine, laurelled and praised for its 
historic march on Baghdad in March and April of 2003, today finds itself a 
broken force, on the defensive in a land that it may occupy in part, but 
does not control.

The all-out offensive to break the back of the resistance in Falluja has 
failed, leaving a city destroyed by American firepower, and still very much 
in the grips of the anti-American fighters.

The same is true of Mosul, Samarra, or any other location where the US 
military has undertaken “decisive” action against the fighters, only to 
find that, within days, the fighting has returned, stronger than ever.

And yet, it now appears as if the United States, in an effort to take the 
offensive against the fighters in Iraq, is prepared to compound its past 
mistakes in Iraq by embarking on a new course of action derived from some 
of the darkest, and most embarrassing moments of America's modern history.

According to press accounts, the Pentagon is considering the organisation, 
training and equipping of so-called death squads, teams of Iraqi assassins 
who would be used to infiltrate and eliminate the leadership of the Iraqi 
resistance.

Called the Salvador Option, in reference to similar US-backed death squads 
that terrorised the population of El Salvador during the 1980s, the 
proposed plan actually has as its roots the Phoenix assassination programme 
undertaken during the Vietnam war, where American-led assassins killed 
thousands of known or suspected Vietcong collaborators.

Perhaps it is a sign of the desperation felt inside the Pentagon, or an 
underscoring of the ideological perversity of those in charge, that the US 
military would draw upon the failed programmes of the past to resolve an 
insoluble problem of today.

The Salvador Option would not be the first embrace of assassination as a 
tool of occupation undertaken by the United States in Iraq.

In the months following Paul Bremer's taking over of the Coalition 
Provisional Authority (CPA) in June 2003, the streets of Baghdad crawled 
with scores of assassination squads.

Among the more effective and brutal of these units were those drawn from 
the Badr Brigade, the armed militia of the Shia political party known as 
the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, or SCIRI.

Although not publicly acknowledged, the role played by the various 
anti-Saddam militias in confronting the residual elements of Saddam's 
former ruling Baath Party offered a glimpse into what was, and is, an 
unspoken element of the US policy regarding de-Baathification - let the 
Iraqis do the dirty work.

SCIRI's efforts to exterminate Baath Party remnants still loyal to Saddam 
Hussein, or who stand accused of committing crimes against SCIRI or its 
sympathisers, attracted the attention of the “black” side of the CPA-run 
de-Baathification efforts – covert operations run by the CIA and elite 
Special Operations units of the United States military.

Of all the various players in this deadly game, the Badr militia stood out 
as the most willing and able to take the fight to the Baathist holdouts.

Tipped off by the CPA's covert operatives, the Badr assassination squads 
killed dozens of Baathists in and around Baghdad.

But the assassination of former Baathists did nothing to pacify Iraq.

The ongoing resistance to the American occupation of Iraq was not founded 
in the formal structure of the Baath Party, but rather the complex mixture 
of tribal and religious motivations which had, since 1995, been blended 
into the secretive cell structure of the Baath Party.

While the Americans and their SCIRI allies focused on bringing to heel 
former Baathists, the resistance morphed into a genuine grassroots national 
liberation movement where strategic planning may very well be the product 
of former Baathists, but the day-to-day tactical decisions are more likely 
to be made by tribal shaikhs and local clerics.

The increasing success of the resistance was attributed in part to the 
failure of the CPA-ordered de-Baathification policy.

In an effort to reverse this trend, Bremer rescinded his de-Baathification 
programme, and ordered the Badr assassination squads to stand down.

This change of policy direction could not change the reality on the ground 
in Iraq, however.

The Sunni-based resistance, having been targeted by the Badr assassins, 
struck back with a vengeance.

In a campaign of targeted assassinations using car bombs and ambushes, the 
resistance has engaged in its own campaign of terror against the Shia, 
viewed by the Sunni fighters as being little more than collaborators of the 
American occupation.

Having started the game of politically motivated assassination, the US has 
once again found itself trumped by forces inside Iraq it does not 
understand, and as such will never be able to defeat.

The Salvador Option fails on a number of levels.  First and foremost is the 
moral and ethical one.

While it is difficult at times to understand and comprehend, let alone 
justify, the tactics used by the Iraqi resistance, history has shown that 
the tools of remote ambush, instead of a direct assassination, have always 
been used by freedom fighters when confronting an illegitimate foreign 
occupier who possesses overwhelming conventional military superiority.

As such, history celebrates the resistance of the French and the Russians 
when occupied by the Germans during the second world war, the Chinese 
resistance to Japanese occupation during that same time, or even the 
decades-long national liberation movement in Vietnam which defeated not 
only the French and the Americans, but also the illegitimate government 
these two occupiers attempted to impose on the people of South Vietnam.

History, on the other hand, treats harshly the occupying power which 
resorts to the use of the tools of terror to subdue an occupied people.

Thus, while it is fine for a French resistance fighter to blow up a German 
troop train, it is not acceptable for the Germans to burn a French village 
in retaliation.

History will eventually depict as legitimate the efforts of the Iraqi 
resistance to destabilise and defeat the American occupation forces and 
their imposed Iraqi collaborationist government.

And history will condemn the immorality of the American occupation, which 
has debased the values and ideals of the American people by legitimising 
torture, rape and murder as a means of furthering an illegal war of 
aggression.

Ethics aside, the Salvador Option will fail simply because it cannot 
succeed. In an effort to confront a Sunni-based resistance, the Pentagon 
proposes that special assassination squads be recruited from the ranks of 
“loyal” Kurds and Shia.

In the 30 years of Saddam's rule, the Baathist government and its security 
organs were very successful in infiltrating the ranks of Kurdish and Shia 
opposition movements.

The Shia and Kurds, on the other hand, have no history of being able to do 
the same to the Sunni. If anything has emerged as the undisputable truth in 
post-invasion Iraq, it is that the Iraqi resistance knows Iraq infinitely 
better than the American occupiers.

If implemented, the Salvador Option will serve as the impetus for all-out 
civil war.  In the same manner that the CPA-backed assassination of 
Baathists prompted the restructuring and strengthening of the Sunni-led 
resistance, any effort by US-backed Kurdish and Shia assassination teams to 
target Sunni resistance leaders will remove all impediments for a general 
outbreak of ethnic and religious warfare in Iraq.

It is hard as an American to support the failure of American military 
operations in Iraq. Such failure will bring with it the death and wounding 
of many American service members, and many more Iraqis.

As an American, I have hoped that there was a way for America to emerge 
victorious in Iraq, with our national security and honour intact, and Iraq 
itself a better nation than the one we “liberated”. But it is far too late 
for this to happen.

We not only invaded Iraq on false pretences, but we perverted the notion of 
liberation by removing Saddam and his cronies from his palaces, replacing 
them with American occupiers who have not only kept open Saddam's most 
notorious prisons, but also the practice of torture, rape and abuse we were 
supposed to be bringing to an end.

Faced with our inability to come to grips with a popular-based resistance 
that has grown exponentially over the past year, the best the American 
policy planners can come up with is to embrace our own form of terrorism, 
supporting death squads we cannot control and which will only further 
debase the moral foundation of our nation while slaughtering even more 
Iraqis.

As an American, I hope and pray that common sense and basic morality 
prevail in Washington DC, terminating the Salvador Option before it gets 
off the ground.  Failing that, I hope that the programme of US-backed death 
squads is defeated.  That is the most pro-American sentiment I can muster, 
given the situation as it currently stands.

Scott Ritter was a senior UN arms inspector in Iraq between 1991 and 1998. 
He is now an independent consultant.

The opinions expressed here are the author's and do not necessarily reflect 
the editorial position or have the endorsement of Aljazeera.
Aljazeera

[]




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