[News] George Jackson
Anti-Imperialist News
News at freedomarchives.org
Wed Dec 14 14:37:29 EST 2005
"Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation,
understand that fascism is already here, that people are already dying
who could be saved, that generations more will live poor butchered half-lives
if you fail to act."
-George Jackson
George Jackson
By BOB DYLAN
I woke up this mornin',
There were tears in my bed.
They killed a man I really loved
Shot him through the head.
Lord, Lord,
They cut George Jackson down.
Lord, Lord,
They laid him in the ground.
Sent him off to prison
For a seventy-dollar robbery.
Closed the door behind him
And they threw away the key.
Lord, Lord, They cut George Jackson down.
Lord, Lord,
They laid him in the ground.
He wouldn't take shit from no one
He wouldn't bow down or kneel.
Authorities, they hated him
Because he was just too real.
Lord, Lord,
They cut George Jackson down.
Lord, Lord,
They laid him in the ground.
Prison guards, they cursed him
As they watched him from above
But they were frightened of his power
They were scared of his love.
Lord, Lord,
So they cut George Jackson down.
Lord, Lord,
They laid him in the ground.
Sometimes I think this whole world
Is one big prison yard.
Some of us are prisoners
The rest of us are guards.
Lord, Lord,
They cut George Jackson down.
Lord, Lord,
They laid him in the ground.
Copyright © 1971 Ram's Horn Music
An Interview with George Jackson (with Karen Wald)*
Karen Wald: George, could you comment on your conception of revolution?
George Jackson: The principal contradiction
between the oppressor and oppressed can be
reduced to the fact that the only way the
oppressor can maintain his position is by
fostering, nurturing, building, contempt for the
oppressed. That thing gets out of hand after a
while. It leads to excesses that we see and the
excesses are growing within the totalitarian state here.
The excesses breed resistance; resistance is
growing. The thing grows in a spiral. It can only
end one way. The excesses lead to resistance,
resistance leads to brutality, the brutality
leads to more resistance, and finally the whole
question will be resolved with either the
uneconomic destruction of the oppressed, or the end of oppression.
These are the workings of revolution. It grows in
spirals, confrontations, and I mean on all
levels. The institutions of society have
buttressed the establishment, so I mean all levels have to be assaulted.
Wald: How does the prison liberation movement fit
into this? Is its importance over-exaggerated or contrived?
Jackson: We don't have to contrive any ... Look,
the particular thing I'm involved in night now,
the prison movement was started by Huey P. Newton
and the Black Panther Party.* Huey and the rest
of the comrades around the country. We're working
with Erika [Huggins] and Bobby [Seale],* the
prison movement in general, the movement to prove
to the establishment that the concentration camp
technique won't work on us. We don't have to
contrive any importance to our particular
movement. It's a very real, very-very real issue
and I'm of the opinion that, right along with the
old, familiar workers' movement, the prison
movement is central to the process of revolution as a whole.
Wald: Many of the cadres of the revolutionary
forces on the outside have been captured and
imprisoned. Are you saying that even though
they're in prison, these cadres can still
function in a meaningful way for the revolution?
Jackson: Well, we're all familiar with the
function of the prison as an institution serving
the needs of the totalitarian state. We've got to
destroy that function; the function has to be no
longer viable, in the end. It's one of the
strongest institutions supporting the
totalitarian state. We have to destroy its
effectiveness, and that's what the prison movement is all about.
What I'm saying is that they put us in these
concentration camps here the same as they put
people in tiger cages or strategic hamlets in
Vietnam.* The idea is to isolate, eliminate,
liquidate the dynamic sections of the overall
movement, the protagonists of the movement. What
we've got to do is prove this won't work. We've
got to organize our resistance once we're inside,
give them no peace, turn the prison into just
another front of the struggle, tear it down from the inside. Understand?
Wald: But can such a battle be won?
Jackson: A good deal of this has to do with our
ability to communicate to the people on the
street. The nature of the function of the prison
within the police state has to be continuously
explained, elucidated to the people on the street
because we can't fight alone in here.
Oh yeah, we can fight, but if we're isolated, if
the state is successful in accomplishing that,
the results are usually not constructive in terms
of proving our point. We fight and we die, but
that's not the point, although it may be
admirable from some sort of purely moral point of view.
The point is, however, in the face of what we
confront, to fight and win. That's the real
objective: not just to make statements, no matter
how noble, but to destroy the system that
oppresses us. By any means available to us. And
to do this, we must be connected, in contact and
communication with those in struggle on the
outside. We must be mutually supporting because
we're all in this together. It's all one struggle at base.
Wald: Do you see any signs of progress on the inside, in prison?
Jackson: Yes, I do. Progress has certainly been
made in terms of raising the consciousness of at
least some sectors of the prison population. In
part, that's due to the limited victories we've
achieved over the past few years. They're token
victories, perhaps, but things we can and must take advantage of.
For example, we've struggled hard around the idea
of being able to communicate directly with people
on the outside. At this point, any person on the
street can correspond with any individual inside prison.
My suggestion is, now that we have the channels
of education secured, at least temporarily, is
that people on the outside should begin to
bombard the prisons with newspapers, books,
journals, clippings, anything of educational
value to help politicize the comrades who are not yet relating.
And we, of course, must reciprocate by
consistently sending out information concerning
what's really going on in here. Incidentally,
interviews like this go a long way in that
direction. There should be much more of this sort of thing.
Wald: [Inquiring to whether the life of George's
younger brother, Jonathan, was wasted when he was
killed on August 7, 1970 in a courtroom shootout.]*
Jackson: Well, that's obviously a tough question
for me because, emotionally, I very much wish my
little brother was alive and well. But as to
whether I think Jonathan's life may have been wasted? No, I don't.
I think the only mistake he made was thinking
that all of the 200 pigs who were there would
have, you know, some sort of concern for the life
of the judge. Of course, they chose to kill the
judge, and to risk killing the D.A. and the
jurors, in order to get at Jonathan and the
others. It may have been a technical error. But I
doubt it, because I know Jonathan was very
conversant with military ideas, and I'm sure it
occurred to him that there was a possibility that
at least one pig would shoot, and that if one
shot, they' all shoot, and itd be a massacre. Judge or no judge.
It was all a gigantic bluff, you know? Jonathan
took a calculated risk. Some people say that
makes him a fool. I say his was the sort of
courage that cause men of his age to be awarded
the Congressional Medal of Honor in somewhat
different settings. The difference is that
Jonathan understood very clearly who his real
enemy was; the guy who gets the congressional
medal usually doesn't. Now, who's the fool?
Personally, I bear his loss very badly. It's a
great burden upon my soul. But I think it's
imperative we owe it to him never to forget
why he did what he did. And that was to stand as
a symbol in front of the people in front of me
and say in effect that we have both the
capacity and the obligation to stand up, regardless of the consequences.
He was saying that if we all stand up, our
collective power will destroy the forces that
oppose us. Jonathan lived by these principles, he
was true to them, he died by them. This is the
most honorable thing imaginable. He achieved a
certain deserved immortality insofar as he truly
had the courage to die on his feet rather than
live one moment on his knees. He stood as an
example, a beacon to all of us, and I am in awe
of him, even though he was my younger brother.
* This interview with George Jackson was conducted by Karen Wald.
* Editors Note: In May 1967 Bobby Seale and
thirty other members of the Black Panther Party
were arrested in Sacramento, California for
protesting a proposed California bill which
sought to outlaw the carrying of loaded guns in
public. (The Party, originally the Black Panther
Party for Self-Defense, supported the carrying of
loaded guns in public as a means to discourage
the widespread police brutality meted out upon
African Americans.) This confrontation catapulted
the Party to national attention and attracted
scores of new members in California and
throughout the country. In October 1967 Huey
Newton was arrested and charged with murder in
the death of a police officer. Eldridge Cleaver
(a former convict and author of Soul on Ice)
recruited Stokeley Carmichael, the former
chairman of the Student Non-violent Coordinating
Committee and a nationally known Black power
leader, and together they built a national Free
Huey movement on behalf of their accused
comrade. In September 1968 Newton was found
guilty of manslaughter. His conviction was later
overturned in August 1970. In the subsequent
years, Party chapters were opened in prisons
across the nation, and led the move to politicize
Black prisoners (such as in the case of - perhaps
most notably - George Jackson himself). See
Akinyele Omowale Umoja, Set Our Warriors Free:
The Legacy of the BPP and Political Prisoners in
Charles E. Jones, ed. The Black Panther Party
(Reconsidered) (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1998).
* Editors Note: At the time of this interview,
Bobby Seale was Chairman of the Black Panther
Party. In May 1969, he, Erica Huggins, and twelve
members of the New Haven, Connecticut chapter of
the BPP, the New Haven 14, were charged in the
murder of an alleged police informant. The
incarceration of these members forced the New
Haven BPP to shut down. Although Seale and
Huggins were eventually exonerated of the
charges, several other New Haven defendants were
convicted in the case. See Jones, ed. and Angela
Y. Davis (with Bettina Aptheker), If They Come in
the Morning: Voices of Resistance (New York: Third Press, 1971).
* Editors note: Tiger cages were the five feet
by nine feet cement cells of the Con Son prison
in South Vietnam. The cells, built by the French
in the 1940s, were used to hold political
prisoners in the 1960s. (Stanley I. Kuntler
(Ed.), Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War (New York:
Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 1996) 543-544.) Under
South Vietnamese U.S. supported leader Ngo Dinh
Diem, U.S. Special Forces instituted the
strategic hamlet program in 1962. The program,
based on a tactic used to suppress anti-colonial
movement-building by the British in Malaya,
relocated the South Vietnamese rural population
into fortified, heavily policed hamlets in an
attempt to cut off the spread of Communist
support and destroy the infrastructure of the
National Liberation Front. The program created
deep, widespread resentment among the
population. (Gabriel Kolko, Anatomy of a War:
Vietnam, the United States, and the Modern
Historical Experience (New York: The New Press, 1994) 132-137.)
* Editors note: On August 7, 1970, Jonathan
Jackson, George Jacksons younger brother, age
seventeen at the time, stormed into the Marin
County Courthouse in California in an attempt to
free Ruchell Cinque Magee, William Christmas, and
James McClain. Jackson, the prisoners, the trial
judge, the prosecutor, and several jurors (whom
Jackson had taken hostage) were fired upon by
police and prison guards while inside a van.
Jackson, McClain, Christmas and the judge were
killed, the prosecutor was paralyzed for life,
and Magee and the jurors were wounded but
survived. See Bettina Aptheker, Morning Breaks:
The Trial of Angela Davis (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Freedom Archives
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San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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