[News] George Jackson - by Walter Rodney
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News at freedomarchives.org
Thu Aug 4 12:48:12 EDT 2005
GEORGE JACKSON
BLACK REVOLUTIONARY
By
Walter Rodney - November 1971
To most readers in this continent, starved of authentic information by the
imperialist news agencies, the name of George Jackson is either unfamiliar
or just a name. The powers that be in the United States put forward the
official version that George Jackson was a dangerous criminal kept in
maximum security in Americas toughest jails and still capable of killing a
guard at Soledad Prison. They say that he himself was killed attempting
escape this year in August. Official versions given by the United States
of everything from the Bay of Pigs in Cuba to the Bay of Tonkin in Vietnam
have the common characteristic of standing truth on its head. George
Jackson was jailed ostensibly for stealing 70 dollars. He was given a
sentence of one year to life because he was black, and he was kept
incarcerated for years under the most dehumanizing conditions because he
discovered that blackness need not be a badge of servility but rather could
be a banner for uncompromising revolutionary struggle. He was murdered
because he was doing too much to pass this attitude on to fellow
prisoners. George Jackson was political prisoner and a black freedom
fighter. He died at the hands of the enemy.
Once it is made known that George Jackson was a black revolutionary in the
white mans jails, at least one point is established, since we are familiar
with the fact that a significant proportion of African nationalist leaders
graduated from colonialist prisons, and right now the jails of South Africa
hold captive some of the best of our brothers in that part of the
continent. Furthermore, there is some considerable awareness that ever
since the days of slavery the U.S.A. is nothing but a vast prison as far as
African descendants are concerned. Within this prison, black life is
cheap, so it should be no surprise that George Jackson was murdered by the
San Quentin prison authorities who are responsible to Americas chief
prison warder, Richard Nixon. What remains is to go beyond the
generalities and to understand the most significant elements attaching to
George Jacksons life and death.
When he was killed in August this year, George Jackson was twenty-nine
years of age and had spent the last fifteen [correction: 11 years] behind
bars seven of these in special isolation. As he himself put it, he was
from the lumpen. He was not part of the regular producer force of
workers and peasants. Being cut off from the system of production, lumpen
elements in the past rarely understood the society which victimized them
and were not to be counted upon to take organized revolutionary steps
within capitalist society. Indeed, the very term lumpen proletariat was
originally intended to convey the inferiority of this sector as compared
with the authentic working class.
Yet George Jackson, like Malcolm X before him, educated himself painfully
behind prison bars to the point where his clear vision of historical and
contemporary reality and his ability to communicate his perspective
frightened the U.S. power structure into physically liquidating
him. Jacksons survival for so many years in vicious jails, his
self-education, and his publication of Soledad Brother were tremendous
personal achievements, and in addition they offer on interesting insight
into the revolutionary potential of the black mass in the U.S.A., so many
of whom have been reduced to the status of lumpen.
Under capitalism, the worker is exploited through the alienation of part of
the product of his labour. For the African peasant, the exploitation is
effected through manipulation of the price of the crops which he laboured
to produce. Yet, work has always been rated higher than unemployment, for
the obvious reason that survival depends upon the ability to obtain
work. Thus, early in the history of industrialization, workers coined the
slogan the right to work. Masses of black people in the U.S.A. are
deprived of this basic right. At best they live in a limbo of uncertainty
as casual workers, last to be hired and first to be fired. The line
between the unemployed or criminals cannot be dismissed as white lumpen
in capitalist Europe were usually dismissed.
The latter were considered as misfits and regular toilers served as the
vanguard. The thirty-odd million black people in the U.S.A. are not
misfits. They are the most oppressed and the most threatened as far as
survival is concerned. The greatness of George Jackson is that he served
as a dynamic spokesman for the most wretched among the oppressed, and he
was in the vanguard of the most dangerous front of struggle.
Jail is hardly an arena in which one would imagine that guerrilla warfare
would take place. Yet, it is on this most disadvantaged of terrains that
blacks have displayed the guts to wage a war for dignity and freedom. In
Soledad Brother, George Jackson movingly reveals the nature of this
struggle as it has evolved over the last few years. Some of the more
recent episodes in the struggle at San Quentin prison are worth
recording. On February 27th this year, black and brown (Mexican) prisoners
announced the formation of a Third World Coalition. This came in the wake
of such organizations as a Black Panther Branch at San Quentin and the
establishment of SATE (Self-Advancement Through Education). This level of
mobilisation of the nonwhite prisoners was resented and feared by white
guards and some racist white prisoners. The latter formed themselves into
a self-declared Nazi group, and months of violent incidents
followed. Needless to say, with white authority on the side of the Nazis,
Afro and Mexican brothers had a very hard time. George Jackson is not the
only casualty on the side of the blacks. But their unity was maintained,
and a majority of white prisoners either refused to support the Nazis or
denounced them. So, even within prison walls the first principle to be
observed was unity in struggle. Once the most oppressed had taken the
initiative, then they could win allies.
The struggle within the jails is having wider and wider repercussions every
day. Firstly, it is creating true revolutionary cadres out of more and
more lumpen. This is particularly true in the jails of California, but the
movement is making its impact felt everywhere from Baltimore to
Texas. Brothers inside are writing poetry, essays and letters which strip
white capitalist America naked. Like the Soledad Brothers, they have come
to learn that sociology books call us antisocial and brand us criminals,
when actually the criminals are in the social register. The names of
those who rule America are all in the social register.
Secondly, it is solidifying the black community in a remarkable way. Petty
bourgeois blacks also feel threatened by the manic police, judges and
prison officers. Black intellectuals who used to be completely alienated
from any form of struggle except their personal hustle now recognize the
need to ally with and take their bearings from the street forces of the
black unemployed, ghetto dwellers and prison inmates.
Thirdly, the courage of black prisoners has elicited a response from white
America. The small band of white revolutionaries has taken a positive
stand. The Weathermen decried Jacksons murder by placing a few bombs in
given places and the Communist Party supported the demand by the black
prisoners and the Black Panther Party that the murder was to be
investigated. On a more general note, white liberal America has been
disturbed. The white liberals never like to be told that white capitalist
society is too rotten to be reformed. Even the established capitalist
press has come out with esposes of prison conditions, and the fascist
massacres of black prisoners at Attica prison recently brought Senator
Muskie out with a cry of enough.
Fourthly (and for our purposes most significantly) the efforts of black
prisoners and blacks in America as a whole have had international
repercussions. The framed charges brought against Black Panther leaders
and against Angela Davis have been denounced in many parts of the
world. Committees of defense and solidarity have been formed in places as
far as Havana and Leipzig. OPAAL declared August 18th as the day of
international solidarity with Afro-Americans; and significantly most of
their propaganda for this purpose ended with a call to Free All Political
Prisoners.
For more than a decade now, peoples liberation movements in Vietnam, Cuba,
Southern Africa, etc., have held conversations with militants and
progressives in the U.S.A. pointing to the duality and respective
responsibilities of struggle within the imperialist camp. The revolution
in the exploited colonies and neo-colonies has as its objective the
expulsion of the imperialists: the revolution in the metropolis is to
transform the capitalist relations of production in the countries of their
origin. Since the U.S.A. is the overlord of world imperialism, it has been
common to portray any progressive movement there as operating within the
belly of the beast. Inside an isolation block in Soledad or San Quentin
prisons, this was not merely a figurative expression. George Jackson knew
well what it meant to seek for heightened socialist and humanist
consciousness inside the belly of the white imperialist beast.
International solidarity grows out of struggle in different
localities. This is the truth so profoundly and simply expressed by Che
Guevara when he called for the creation of one, two, three many
Vietnams. It has long been recognized that the white working class in the
U.S.A is historically incapable of participating (as a class) in
anti-imperialist struggle. White racism and Americas leading role in
world imperialism transformed organized labour in the U.S. into a
reactionary force. Conversely, the black struggle is internationally
significant because it unmasks the barbarous social relations of capitalism
and places the enemy on the defensive on his own home ground. This is
amply illustrated in the political process which involved the three
Soledad Brothers George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette as
well as Angela Davis and a host of other blacks now behind prison bars in
the U.S.A.
*********
NOTE: George Jackson also authored Blood In My Eye which was published
posthumously, or after this article was written.
The Freedom Archives
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San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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